anthropos 103.2008: 343-353 The Power of Strangers in Flores and Timor R. H. Barnes SaCf ed h ~ Pitt - Rivers notes that the stranger is dangerous and be ‘- s ° eca use he belongs to an extraordinary world and must Sarjjy . la ise d, that is to say secularized, a process which neces- histon lnv °^ Ves inversion.” A striking feature of the traditional is ^ s °f several local state structures in eastern Indonesia of p e ° lten they maintained ruling authority is in the hands bec arr) ^ >ns whose ancestors came as strangers and successfully Just ^¡ e a hsorbed into the local communities, often by means of o Utsi(le S r Sort of inversion. Another recurring pattern is that of the r bai ns r ta king active leadership, while indigenous authority re- Ti rela tiv e ly immobile. This essay looks at several examples °f sta tu ° r ancl Flores of attempts to cope with the disjunction With the 8 3n< ^ P ower ’ suc h as Dumont attributed to India, and a Uth 0r - c ° ns tructive dilemma of how to combine legitimacy of ^ w hh the prestige of the stranger. [Indonesia, Flores, a ' Timor, stranger king, authority, power] *.*. B °f Qxf arnes ’ Professor of Social Anthropology, University conciu'^' bellow of St. Antony’s College, Oxford. - He has ^ r r0und ed ex tensive research on Lembata and Adonara and ir * c lud e . islands in eastern Indonesia. - His publications ^stem T ^ dclan g- A Study of the Collective Thought of an ^httoh' ndones ian People” (Oxford 1974); “Lamakera, Solor. (^ 1S F >r y of a Muslim Whaling Village of Eastern Indone- 011 a U tr °Pos 1975); “Lamakera, Solor. Ethnographic Notes Po s ^ " j^uslim Whaling Village of Eastern Indonesia” (Anthro- <"6) ; “Ba Naruq. An Eastern Indonesian Narrative” {An- 2002 ); “A Ritual Resurgence in Eastern Indonesia” r °Pos 2005). - See also References Cited. S tran ^hey^ ers a ^ Wa ys pose an at least implicit challenge, be ^ re P re sent danger or potential gain and must lhe Co w ith hostility or hospitality, brought into how mmu nity or expelled from it. The problem of lo° ea ^ strangers Julian Pitt-Rivers (1977) ca Hed the law of hospitality. Under this ihg ^ e discusses a variety of responses, includ- S f e 0rc ^ ea ^ rules governing sanctuary, obliga- a sting, tests of cultural competence, and in vestigations of identity and intention. The law of hospitality, Pitt-Rivers says, is founded on ambiva lence. The stranger is dangerous and sacred be cause he belongs to an extraordinary world. “If his danger is to be avoided, he must either be denied admittance, chased, or enticed away like evil spir its or vampires, or, if granted admittance, he must be socialised, that is to say secularised, a process which necessarily involves inversion” (Pitt-Rivers 1977: 101). Themes How cultures deal with these ambiguities varies of course, although the problem is universal. In eastern Indonesia, strangers who arrive without ob viously hostile intent are generally accorded high status, but not inevitably. What is striking about traditional histories of several local state structures prior to the twentieth century is how often they maintain that ruling authority is in the hands of persons whose ancestors came as strangers and suc cessfully became absorbed into the local commu nities, often by means of just the sort of inversion that Pitt-Rivers refers to. 1 This circumstance relates to another pattern, which has often been described and has been the subject of a comparative survey by 1 Sahlins (1981) has compared traditions concerning “strang er-kings” in Indo-European and Polynesian societies, and Oosten (1988) has criticized some of his formulations. Nei ther, however, has anything directly to say about these issues in so far as they relate to eastern Indonesia. Some further relevant comments may be found in Bellwood (1996).