Choosing Metaphor
321
Anthropos 85.1990
A general pattern emerges in which subse
quent treatment choices are both more costly and
distant. The data also demonstrates the eclectic
nature of the choice of treatments as both folk
and western treatments were used. The ultimate
goal was seeking a cure and the means to obtain
the cure was not predicated on an exclusive belief
in one form of therapy over another. Treatment
choices were predicated on cost, distance, avail
ability, and accessibility to the treatment rather
than on a preference of one medical system over
another. The sequence of treatment choices also
tends to graduate from the simple (self treatment)
to the complex (exorcism). In this sense “choice”
is constrained by assessments of family resources.
The third conclusion inferred is that the diag
nosis of exorcism involves sociocentric relations
with the illness being symptomatic not only of de
monic possession but of interpersonal animosities.
The illness was a symbolic gesture of opposition
directed not only at Loku Manike, the victim, but
at her family. Ultimately the demonic possession
had its origins in human agency.
Loku Manike’s case suggests that the choice
of an exorcism should be seen within the context of
the spectrum of therapeutic alternatives available,
rather than, as Kapferer (1983) argues, distinct
from other therapeutic treatments. Kapferer writes
that ”... demonic illness and exorcism ritual have
greater significance than just being seen as prob
lems for medical anthropology or as parts of a
system of health care. Demonic attack, and espe
cially the major rituals which address it, take as
problematic the principles upon which a cultural
and social world and a wider cosmic unity are
based” (1983: 91).
The above statements relegate medicine to
biologically-based illness. Kleinman and Good
(1985), Janzen (1988), and others argue that the
task of medical anthropology is directed “... at
illness realities as these are socially and culturally
constituted” (Good 1988: 694). Browner, Ortiz de
Montellano, and Rubel (1988) have argued that too
many medical anthropologists focus on the cul
tural rather than biological components of illness.
All curing transactions are grounded in the whole
cultural and social world, and, therefore, medical
anthropology as a field has to be. Skultans, for
example, in a study of a Maharashtrian healing
temple, shows how the high incidence of women
afflicted with trance-possession is explained in
terms of their social roles as care-givers, which
extend to their desire to transfer illness from their
family onto themselves: “... Women cultivate
trance as a sacrificial device to ensure the health
and well-being of the rest of the family” (1987:
661).
Loku Manike’s case differs, but retains sim
ilar cultural presuppositions: (1) her care-giver
role is taken over by her sister; (2) her extended
kin group provides resources, support, and makes
decisions in her behalf; (3) the diagnoses by the
last two katadhis imply that she has been victim
ized (i.e., “sacrificed”) by enemies of the family;
(4) Loku Manike, as a young, innocent, and pretty
woman, is the weak link in the family group.
Women in Sri Lanka, as noted by AmaraSingham
(1978), engender demonic possession unintention
ally, because of their female properties. Social
disorder is, thus, manifested in the demonic pos
session of females and extends to the family. The
aetiology of Loku Manike’s illness is grounded
in interpersonal conflicts, most likely involving
men. In accord with Skultan’s explanation, Loku
Manike is perceived as, unintentionally, sacrificed
for the well-being of her family.
6. The Exorcism
Loku Manike’s uncle, husband, and elder brother
had consulted with an exorcist living in a village
near Monderavan. As noted he agreed to perform
a hooniyam exorcism and charged one thousand
rupees for the performance and five hundred ru
pees for materials. On the appointed day the chief
exorcist accompanied by four others (his younger
brother, son, and son-in-law plus a drummer) ar
rived at Loku Manike’s house in the afternoon.
The three male relatives were of the farmer (goi-
gama) caste while the drummer was of a lower
drumming caste (berewaya).
Other expenditures incurred by Loku Ma
nike’s family included: the building of a tempo
rary wood shed, buying foodstuffs, coffee, tea,
cigarettes, bidis (local cigarettes wrapped in bidi
leaves), betel chew, and various other items. Su-
dhu Bandha estimated the total expenditure came
to five thousand rupees, however, three thousand
rupees seemed a more accurate estimate.
A week prior to the exorcism, preparations
were begun both by the exorcists and Loku Ma
nike ’s family. The exorcists erected a miniature
palace (sinhasana vidiya) made of banana bark.
This miniature palace represented the home of
Mahasona, the king of the yakkas. The palace
stood about five feet high, it had three triangular
gables in the front. Each gable had a particular
design. On the leftmost gable was painted the
sun, the central gable depicted the earth crowned