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INSTITUTTET
FOR SAMMENLIGNENDE KULTURFORSKNING
PRIMITIVE ART
BY
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PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY AT COLUMBIA
UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
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VIII
PRIMITIVE ART
FRANZ BOAS:
OSLO 1927
H. ASCHEHOUG & CO. (W. NYGAARD)
PARIS LONDON
WILLIAMS & NORGATE, LTD
LEIPZIG
OTTO HARRASSOWITZ HONORÉ CHAMPION
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
i P ‘
INSTITUTTET
FOR SAMMENLIGNENDE KULTURFORSKNING
PRIMITIVE ART
BY
FRANZ BOAS
PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY AT COLUMBIA
UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
OSLO 1927
H. ASCHEHOUG & CO. (W. NYGAARD)
LEIPZIG PARIS LONDON
OTTO HARRASSOWITZ HONORE CHAMPION WILLIAMS & NORGATE, LTD.
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
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PRINTED IN NORWAY
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PREFACE
his book is an attempt to give an analytical description of the
fundamental traits of primitive art. The treatment given to the
subject is based on two principles that, | believe, should guide
all investigations into the manifestations of life among primitive
people: the one the fundamental sameness of mental processes in
all races. and in all cultural forms of the present day; the other,
the consideration of every cultural phenomenon as the result of
historical happenings.
There must have been a time when man’s mental equipment was
different from what it is now, when it was evolving from a condi-
tion similar to that found among the higher apes. That period lies
far behind us and no trace of a lower mental organization is found
in any of the extant races of man. So far as my personal experience
goes and so far as I feel competent to judge ethnographical data on
the basis of this experience, the mental processes of man are the
same everywhere, regardless of race and culture, and regardless of
the apparent absurdity of beliefs and customs.
Some theorists assume a mental equipment of primitive man
distinct from that of civilized man. I have never seen a person in
primitive life to whom this theory would apply. There are slavish
believers in the teachings of the past and there are scoffers and
unbelievers; there are clear thinkers and muddleheaded bunglers ;
there are strong characters and weaklings.
The behavior of everybody, no matter to what culture he may
belong, is determined by the traditional material he handles, and
man, the world over, handles the material transmitted to him ac-
cording to the same methods. |
Our traditional experience has taught us to consider the course
of objective events as the result of definite, objective causation.
Inexorable causality governs here and the outer world cannot be
1 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
2 Preface
influenced by mental conditions. Hence our hesitating wonder at
the phenomena of hypnotism and suggestion in which these lines
seem no longer sharply drawn. Our cultural environment has im-
pressed this view upon our minds so deeply that we assume
as a fundamental fact that material phenomena, particularly out-
side of the field of human behavior, can never be influenced by
mental, subjective processes. Still, every ardent wish implies the
possibility of fulfilment and prayers for objective benefits or for
help do not differ in principle from the attempts of primitive man
to interfere with the uncontrollable course of nature. The credulity
with which fantastic theories bearing upon health are accepted, the
constant rise of religious sects with abstruse dogmatic tenets, as well
as the fashions in scientific and philosophic theory prove the weak-
ness of our claim to a rational view of the world.
Anyone who has lived with primitive tribes, who has shared their
joys and sorrows, their privations and their luxuries, who sees in
them not solely subjects of study to be examined like a cell under
the microscope, but feeling and thinking human beings, will agree
that there is no such thing as a “primitive mind”, a “magical” or
“prelogical” way of thinking, but that each individual in “ primitive”
society is a man, a woman, a child of the same kind, of the same
way of thinking, feeling and acting as man, woman or child in our
own society.
Investigators are too apt to forget that the logics of science,—
that unattainable ideal of the discovery of pure relations of cause
and effect, uncontaminated by any kind of emotional bias as well
as of unproved opinion,— are not the logics of life. The feelings
underlying taboo are everpresent among us. I remember that as a
boy, when receiving instruction in religion,— that is in dogma,— I had
an insuperable inhibition against uttering the word “God”, and I
could not be brought to answer a question that required the answer
“God”. If I had been older I should have searched for and found
a personally satisfying explanation for this inhibition. Everyone
knows by experience that there are actions he will not perform,
Preface 3
lines of thought that he will not follow, and words that he will not
utter, because the actions are emotionally objectionable, or the
thoughts find strong resistances and involve our innermost life so
deeply that they cannot be expressed in words. We are right in
calling these social taboos. It requires only a dogmatic standardi-
zation to transform them into true taboos.
And magic? I believe if a boy should observe someone spitting
on his photograph and cutting it to pieces he would feel duely
outraged. I know if this should have happened to me when I was
a student, the result would have been a duel and I should have
done my level best to do to my adversary in natura what he had
done to me in effigie and I should have considered my success as
a compensation for the harm done me ;— all this without any psycho-
analytic meaning. I do not believe that my feelings would have
differed much from those of other young men. Again a standardi-
zation and dogmatization would bring us right back to “magical”
attitudes.
Dr. Tozzer’s! collection of superstitions of College students with
the enlightning remarks by those who hold the beliefs will be read
with profit by all those who are convinced of our mental superiority
and the lack of ability of clear thinking among the primitives.
Still other considerations should caution us against the assumption
of a radical difference between primitive and civilized mentality. We
like to see this distinction in greater individual mental freedom from
social bondage expressed in a free critical attitude that makes pos-
sible individual creativeness.
Our much admired scientific training has never proved a safeguard
against the seductiveness of emotional appeals, just as little as it has
prevented the acceptance as gospel truth of the grossest absurdities,
if presented with sufficient energy, self assertion and authority. If
anything, the late war with its organized governmental and private
propaganda should make us understand this truth. Opinions ener-
! A. M. Tozzer, Social Origins and Social Continuities, New York, 1925, pp.
242 et seq.
4 Preface
getically propagated and spurious facts diligently disseminated color
the thinking of the people, and not only of the uneducated. The
intellectual is deceived as easily as the untutored by sanctimonious
professions that conform to the moral code of time and place and
flatter the feeling of selfrighteousness. They gloss over the conflict
of deed and word and, when uttered by those in authority, make
criminals appear like saints.
Our advantage over primitive people is one of greater knowledge
of the objective world, painfully gained by the labor of many genera-
tions, a knowledge which we apply rather badly and which we, or
at least most of us, discard just as soon as a strong emotional urge
impels us to do so, and for which we substitute forms quite analogous
to those of primitive thought.
The much maligned introspective psychology proves to the un-
biased observer that the causes that make primitive man think as
he does, are equally present in our minds. The particular behavior
in each case is determined by the traditional knowledge at the
disposal of the individual.
The second fundamental point to be borne in mind is that each
culture can be understood only as an historical growth determined
by the social and geographical environment in which each people
is placed and by the way in which it develops the cultural material
that comes into its possession from the outside or through its own
creativeness. For the purpose of an historical analysis we treat
each particular problem first of all as a unit, and we attempt to
unravel the threads that may be traced in the development of its
present form. For this reason we may not start our inquiries and
interpretations, as though the fundamental thesis of a single unilineal
development of cultural traits the world over, of a development that
follows everywhere the same lines, had been definitely proven. If it
is claimed that culture has run such a course, the assertion must be
proven on the basis of detailed studies of the historical changes in single
cultures and by the demonstration of analogies in their development.
END 3 T 37 Y 2 EZ ECE ~ BT 1
m s 1 poll VERY 0 i TNT : ten A
Preface 3
It is safe to say that the critical study of recent years has definitely
disproved the existence of far reaching homologies which would
permit us to arrange all the manifold cultural lines in an ascending
scale in which to each can be assigned its proper place.
On the ‘other hand dynamic conditions exist, based on environ-
ment, physiological, psychological, and social factors, that may bring
forth similar cultural processes in different parts of the world, so
that it is probable that some of the historical happenings may be
viewed under more general dynamic viewpoints.
But historical data are not available and when prehistoric research
does not reveal sequences of cultural changes, the only available
method of study is the geographical one, the study of distribution.
This has been emphasized in the last third of the past century by
Friedrich Ratzel. It has probably been most rigidly developed in
the United States. I illustrated this method in 1891 by a study of
the distribution of folk tales in North America! and it has become
more and more the method of analytical study of cultural forms.
Its very fruitfulness, however, has led to extremes in its applica-
tion that should be guarded against. I pointed out, in print in 1911
and often before and since that time in speaking, that there is a
certain homology between universal distribution of cultural facts and
their antiquity. The fundamental principle involved in this assump-
tion was fully discussed by Georg Gerland in 1875,* although we
are hardly ready to accept his conclusions. The data of prehistoric
archaeology prove that some of these universal achievements go
back to paleolithic times. Stone implements, fire and ornaments
are found in that period. Pottery and agriculture, which are less
universally distributed, appear later. Metals, the use of which is
stil] more limited in space, are found still later.
Recent attempts have been made fo raise to a general principle
this point of view which, with due caution, may be applied here
! Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. IV, pp. 13—20; also Science, Vol. XII
(1888), pp. 194—196.
? Anthropologische Beiträge, Halle a/S, pp. 401 et seq.
6 Preface
and there. Herbert Spinden in his reconstruction of American
prehistoric chronology, Alfred Kroeber in his analysis of cultural
forms of the Pacific Coast, and quite recently Clark Wissler have
built up, founded on this principle a system of historic sequences
that apppear to me as quite untenable. That widely distributed
cultural traits develop special forms in each particular area is a
truism that does not require any proof. That these local develop-
ments may be arranged in a chronological series, that those of the
most limited distribution are the youngest, is only partially true. It
is not difficult to find phenomena that center in a certain region
and dwindle down at the outskirts, but it is not true that these
invariably arise on an ancient substratum. The converse is often
true, that an idea emanating from a center is diffused over a wide
area. Neither may the origin always be looked for in the area of
the strongest development. In the same way as we find animals
surviving and flourishing in regions far distant from the locality in
which they developed, so cultural traits may be transferred and find
their highest expression in regions far away from their origin. The
bronze castings of Benin; the wood carvings of New Zealand; the
bronze work of ancient Scandinavia; the giant stone work of Easter
Island; the early cultural development of Ireland and its influences
over Europe are examples of this kind.
Equally unsafe are the methods used by Fritz Graebner and Pater
W. Schmidt who claim the stability of certain very old and, as I
fear, fictitious correlations between cultural traits.
It is probably not necessary to point out the utter inadequacy of
Elliott Smith's attempt to reduce all ethnological phenomena to a
single, and anthropologically speaking, late source and to assume a
permanence of cultural forms that exists nowhere.
It has often been observed that cultural traits are exceedingly .
tenacious and that features of hoary antiquity survive until the
present day. This has led to the impression that primitive culture
is almost stable and has remained what it is for many centuries.
This does not correspond to the facts. Wherever we have detailed
LT í \ Í M d a ol : . ng ion i
E stad GN
Preface 7
information we see forms of objects and customs in constant flux,
sometimes stable for a period, then undergoing rapid changes.
Through this process elements that at one time belonged together
as cultural units are torn apart. Some survive, others die, and so
far as objective traits are concerned, the cultural form may become
a kaleidoscopic picture of miscellaneous traits that, however, are
remodelled according to the changing spiritual background that
pervades the culture and that transforms the mosaic into an organic
whole. The better the integration of the elements the more valuable
appears to us the culture. I believe that it may be said that
the coherent survival of cultural features that are not organically
connected is exceedingly rare, while single detached elements may
possess marvellous longevity.
In the present book the problem of growth of individual art styles
will be touched upon only incidentally. Our object is rather an
attempt to determine the dynamic conditions under which art styles
grow up. The specific historical problem requires much fuller
material than what we now possess. There are very few parts of
the world in which we can trace, by archaeological or comparative
geographical study, the growth of art styles. Prehistoric archaeology
in Europe, Asia, and America shows, however, that, as general
cultural traits are in a constant state of flux, so also do art styles
change and the breaks in the artistic life of the people are often
surprisingly sudden. It remains to be seen whether it is possible
to derive generally valid laws that control the growth of specific
art styles, such as Adama van Scheltema has tried to derive for
North European art! With increasing technical skill and perfection
of tools, changes are bound to occur. Their course is determined
by the general cultural history of the people. We are not in
a position to say that the same tendencies, modified by local
historical happenings, reappear in the course of art development
everywhere.
! Die altnordische Kunst, Berlin, 1923.
8 Preface
I wish to express my thanks to those who have assisted me in
gathering the illustrative material for this volume. I am indebted to
the American Museum of Natural History, especially to Dr. Pliny
E. Goddard for permission to have drawings made of specimens,
for liberal help in their selection and also for the use of illustrative
material from the Museum publications. I am also indebted to the
Field Museum, Chicago; the United States National Museum,
Washington; the University Museum of the University of Pennsyl-
vania at Philadelphia, the Free Public Museum of the City of
Milwaukee and to the Linden Museum at Stuttgart for illustrations
of specimens. The drawings were made by Mr. W. Baake, Miss
M. Franziska Boas and Miss Lillian Sternberg.
}
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INTRODUCTION
N° people known to us, however hard their lives may be, spend
all their time, all their energies in the acquisition of food and
shelter, nor do those who live under more favorable conditions and
who are free to devote to other pursuits the time not needed for
securing their sustenance occupy themselves with purely industrial
work or idle away the days in indolence. Even the poorest tribes
have produced work that gives to them esthetic pleasure, and those
whom a bountiful nature or a greater wealth of inventions has granted
freedom from care, devote much of their energy to the creation of
works of beauty.
In one way or another esthetic pleasure is felt by all members
of mankind. No matter how diverse the ideals of beauty may be, the
general character of the enjoyment of beauty is of the same order
everywhere; the crude song of the Siberians, the dance of the
African Negroes, the pantomime of the Californian Indians, the stone
work of the New Zealanders, the carvings of the Melanesians, the
sculpture of the Alaskans appeal to them in a manner not different
from that felt by us when we hear a song, when we see an artistic
dance, or when we admire ornamental work, painting or sculpture.
The very existence of song, dance, painting and sculpture among
all the tribes known to us is proof of the craving to produce things
that are felt as satisfying through their form, and of the capability
of man to enjoy them.
All human activities may assume forms that give them esthetic
values. The mere cry, or the word does not necessarily possess
the elements of beauty. If it does so it is merely a matter of
accident. Violent, unrestrained movements induced by excitement;
the exertions of the chase and the movements required by daily
occupations are partly reflexes of passion, partly practically deter-
mined. They have no immediate esthetic appeal. The same is
10 Introduction
true of all products of industrial activity. The daubing of paint, the
whittling of wood or bone, the flaking of stone do not necessarily
lead to results that compel our admiration on account of their
beauty.
Nevertheless, all of them may assume esthetic values. Rhyth-
mical movements of the body or of objects, forms that appeal to
the eye, sequences of tones and forms of speech which please the
ear, produce artistic effects. Muscular, visual and auditory sensa-
tions are the materials that give us esthetic pleasure and that are
used in art.
We may also speak of impressions that appeal to the senses of
smell, taste and touch. A composition of scents, a gastronomical
repast may be called works of art provided they excite pleasurable
sensations.
What then gives to the sensation an esthetic value? When the
technical treatment has attained a certain standard of excellence,
when the control of the processes involved is such that certain
typical forms are produced, we call the process an art, and however
simple the forms may be, they may be judged from the point of
view of formal perfection; industrial pursuits such as cutting, carving,
moulding, weaving; as well as singing, dancing and cooking are
capable of attaining technical excellence and fixed forms. The judg-
ment of perfection of technical form is essentially an esthetic judg-
ment. It is hardly possible to state objectively just where the line
between artistic and pre-artistic forms should be drawn, because we
cannot determine just where the esthetic attitude sets in. It séems
certain, however, that wherever a definite type of movement, a
definite sequence of tones or a fixed form has developed it must
become a standard by which its perfection, that is, its beauty, is
measured.
Such types exist among mankind the world over, and we must
assume that if an unstandardized form should prove to possess an
esthetic appeal for a community it would readily be adopted. Fixity
of form seems to be most intimately connected with our ideas of beauty.
TUNE P" N RC TE y AU " ju \ \ E yam m "i diem: s
Introduction 11
Since a perfect standard of form can be attained only in a
highly developed and perfectly controlled technique there must be
an intimate relation between technique and a feeling for beauty.
It might be said that achievement is irrelevant as long as the
ideal of beauty for which the would-be artist strives is in existence,
although on account of imperfect technique he may be unable to
attain it. Alois Riegl expresses this idea by saying that the will to
produce an esthetic result is the essence of artistic work. The truth
of this assertion may be admitted and undoubtedly many individuals
strive for expression of an esthetic impulse without being able to
realize it. What they are striving for presupposes the existence of
an ideal form which the unskilled muscles are unable to express
adequately. The intuitive feeling for form must be present. So far
as our knowledge of the works of art of primitive people extends
the feeling for form is inextricably bound up with technical expe-
rience. Nature does not seem to present formal ideals,—that is
fixed types that are imitated,—except when a natural object is used
in daily life; when it is handled, perhaps modified, by technical
processes. It would seem that only in this way form impresses
itself upon the human mind. The very fact that the manufactures
of man in each and every part of the world have pronounced style
proves that a feeling for form develops with technical activities.
There is nothing to show that the mere contemplation of nature or
of natural objects develops a sense of fixed form. Neither have
we any proof that a definite stylistic form develops as a product
purely of the power of the imagination of the workman, unguided
by his technical experience which brings the form into his conscious-
ness. It is conceivable that elementary esthetic forms like symmetry
and rhythm, are not entirely dependent upon technical activities; but
these are common to all art styles; they are not specifically charac-
teristic of any particular region. Without stability of form of objects,
manufactured or in common use, there is no style; and stability of
form depends upon the development of a high technique, or in a
few cases on the constant use of the same kind of natural products.
12 "Introduction
When stable forms have been attained, imaginative development of
form in an imperfect technique may set in and in this case the will
to produce an esthetic result may outrun the ability of the would-be
artist. The same consideration holds good in regard to the esthetic
value of muscular movements used in song and dance.
The manufactures of man the world over prove that the ideal
forms are based essentially on standards developed by expert techni-
cians. They may also be imaginative developments of older stan-
dardized forms. Without a formal basis the will to create something
that appeals to the sense of beauty can hardly exist.
Many works of art affect us in another way. The emotions may
be stimulated not by the form alone, but also by close associations
that exist between the form and ideas held by the people. In other
words, when the forms convey a meaning, because they recall past
experiences or because they act as symbols, a new element is added to
the enjoyment. The form and its meaning combine to elevate the mind
above the indifferent emotional state of every-day life. Beautiful sculpture
or painting, a musical composition, dramatic art, a pantomime, may
so affect us. This is no less true of primitive art than of our own.
Sometimes esthetic pleasure is released by natural forms. The
song of a bird may be beautiful; we may experience pleasure in
viewing the form of a landscape or in viewing the movements of
an animal; we may enjoy a natural taste or smell, or a pleasant
feeling; grandeur of nature may give us an emotional thrill and the
actions of animals may have a dramatic effect; all of these have
esthetic values but they are not art. On the other hand, a melody,
a carving, a painting, a dance, a pantomime are esthetic productions,
because they have been created by our own activities.
Form, and creation by our own activities are essential features of
art. The pleasure or elevation of the mind must be brought about
by a particular form of sense impression, but this sense impression
must be made by some kind of human activity or by some product
of human activity.
AL NCC EU RE UU. OC: '& A Ev 70 LE. EC: à we ALY TE
Introduction 13
It is essential to-bear in mind the twofold source of artistic effect,
the one based on form alone, the other on ideas associated with
form. Otherwise the theory of art will be one-sided. Since the
art of man, the world over, among primitive tribes as well as among
civilized nations, contains both elements, the purely formal and the
significant, it is not admissible to base all discussions of the manifes-
tations of the art impulse upon the assumption that the expres-
sion of emotional states by significant forms must be the beginning
of art, or that, like language, art is a form of expression. In modern
times this opinion is based in part on the often observed fact that
in primitive art even simple geometrical forms may possess a mean-
ing that adds to their emotional value, and that dance, music and
poetry almost always have definite meaning. However, significance
of artistic form is neither universal nor can it be shown that it is
necessarily older than the form.
I do not intend to enter into a discussion of the philosophical
theories of esthetics, but will confine myself to a few remarks on
the views of a number of recent authors who have treated art on
the basis of ethnological material, and only in so far as the question
is concerned whether primitive art is expressive of definite ideas.
Our views agree fundamentally with those of Fechner! who recog-
nizes the "direct" appeal of the work of art on the one side and
the associated elements that give a specific tone to the esthetic
effects on the other.
Wundt? restricts the dicussion of art to those forms in which the
artistic work expresses some thought or emotion. He says, “For
the psychological study art stands in a position intermediate between
language and myth. . . . Thus the creative artistic work appears
to us as a peculiar development of the expressive movements of
the body. Gesture and language pass in a fleeting moment. In art
they are sometimes given a higher significance; sometimes the
t G. T. Fechner, Vorschule der Aesthetik.
? Wilhelm Wundt, Vólkerpsychologie, Vol. 3, Die Kunst; third edition, Leipzig,
1919, p. 5.
14 Introduction
fleeting movement is given a permanent form . . . All these rela-
tions are manifested principally in the relatively early, although not
in the very earliest stages of artistic work in which the momentary
needs of expression of thought dominate art as well as language.”
Max Verworn® says: “Art is the faculty to express conscious
processes by means created by the artist himself in such a manner
that they may be perceived by our sense organs. In this general
sense language, song, music and dance are art, just as well as paint-
ing, sculpture and ornamentation. The graphic and plastic arts in
the narrow sense of the term result from the ability of making
conscious processes visible in permanent materials.”
Richard Thurnwald? accepts the view-point of Wundt when he
says, Art, however inadequate its means may be, is a means of ex-
pression that belongs to mankind. The means employed are distinct
from those used in gesture, language and writing. Even when the
artist is intent only upon the repetition of what he has in mind he
does so with at least the subconscious purpose of communicating
his ideas, of influencing others."
The same onesidedness may be recognized in Yrjó Hirn's? opinion,
who says: “In order to understand the art impulse as a tendency
to esthetic production we must bring it into connection with some
function from the nature of which the specifically artistic qualities
may be derived. Such a function is to be found, we believe, in the
activities of emotional expression.”
It will be seen that all these authors confine their definition of
art to those forms which are expressions of emotional states or of
ideas, while they do not include in art the pleasure conveyed by
purely formal elements that are not primarily expressive.
Ernst Grosse * expresses similar views in somewhat different form.
! Die Anfánge der Kunst, Jena, 1920, p. 8. "Kunst im allgemeinsten Sinne ist,
wie das Wort schon sagt, ein 'Kónnen'."
? Richard Thurnwald, Handbuch der vergleichenden Psychologie, herausgegeben
von Gustav Kafka, Vol. I, pag. 211.
? Yrjó Hirn, The Origins of Art, London, 1900, p. 29.
* Ernst Grosse, Die Anfánge der Kunst, 1894, p. 292.
Introduction 15
He stresses the practical purpose of artistic forms which appears to
him as primary. However, he assumes that these forms, while
devoted first of all to practical purposes, are intended at the same
time to serve an esthetic need that is felt by the people. Thus, he
says, that primitive ornament is by origin and by its fundamental
nature not intended as decorative but as a practically significant
mark or symbol, that is to say as expressive. If I understand him
correctly this practical significance implies some kind of meaning
inherent in the form.
Emil Stephan concludes from his detailed discussion of Melane-
sian art that technical motives offer no sufficient explanation for the
origin of artistic forms (pp. 52 et seq... He considers all ornament
as representative and sees the origin of art in that unconscious
mental process by which the form appears as distinct from the
content of the visual impression, and in the desire to give perma-
nence to the form (p.51). For this reason he considers the artistic
forms also as equivalents of the way in which the form appears to
the primitive artist.
Alfred C. Haddon? and W. H. Holmes? seek the origin of all
decorative art in realism. They discuss the transfer of technical forms
to ornament but they see in these also results of the endeavor to
reproduce realistic form, namely; technical details. Henry Balfour*
agrees, on the whole, with this position but he stresses also the
development of decorative motives from the actual use of technical
processes.
Gottfried Semper? emphasizes the importance of the form as
determined by the manner of use. He also stresses the influence
of designs developed in weaving and of their transfer upon other
forms of technique, particularly upon architectural forms.
! Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, Berlin, 1907.
? Alfred C. Haddon, Evolution in Art, London 1895.
3 W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form in Ceramic Art, Annual Report
Bureau of Ethnology, Vol. 4, 1886, pp. 443 et seq.
* Henry Balfour, The Evolution of Decorative Art, London 1893.
5 Gottfried Semper, Der Stil in den Technischen und Tektonischen Künsten, 1860.
16 Introduction
Alois Riegl! is also inclined to stress the representative character
of the most ancient art forms, basing his argument essentially upon
the realistic paleolithic carvings and paintings. He sees the most
important step forward in the attempt to show the animals in out-
line, on a two-dimensional surface which necessitates the substitu-
tion of an ideal line for the three-dimensional form that is given to
us by every day experience. He assumes that geometric ornament
developed from the treatment of the line, obtained by the process
just mentioned, according to formal principles. i
| Setting aside the assumed sequence of these two aspects, his view-
| point is distinguished from that of the authors referred to before,
| by the recognition of the principle of form as against that of content.
The principle of form is still more energetically defended by van
Scheltema, who tries to prove definite developmental processes
| through which the formal treatment of North European art has
pn passed, first in the Neolithic period, then in the bronze age and
| finally in the iron age.”
| | Alfred Vierkandt? also emphasizes the fundamental importance of
| . the formal element in the esthetic effect of all manifestations of art.
| ! Alois Riegl, Stilfragen, 2nd edition, Berlin, 1923, pp. 2 et seq.
| ? F. Adama van Scheltema, Die altnordische Kunst, Berlin, 1923. For a com-
| prehensive review of works on primitive art up to 1914, see Martin Heydrich,
| Afrikanische Ornamentik, Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, Supplement to
| Volume XXII, Leyden, 1914; also the bibliography in Eckert von Sydow, Die Kunst
| der Naturvölker und der Vorzeit, Berlin, 1923; and Herbert Kühn, Die Kunst der
Primitiven, München, 1923. An excellent review of the subject has been given by
| Elizabeth Wilson, Das Ornament (Dissertation, University of Leipzig).
| 3 Prinzipienfragen der ethnologischen Kunstforschung, Zeitschrift für Aesthetik
und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft, Vol. XIX, Berlin, 1925, pp. 338 et seq. See
also Jahrbuch für historische Volkskunde, Vol. II; Vom Wesen der Volkskunst,
Berlin 1926; Rafael Karsten, Civilization of South American Indians, New York, 1926.
|
i
|
|
GRAPHIC AND PLASTIC ARTS
THE FORMAL ELEMENT IN ART
EA examination of the material on which our studies of the artistic
value of objects of primitive manufacture are founded shows
that in most cases we are dealing with products of an industry in
which a high degree of mechanical skill has been attained. Ivory
carvings of the Eskimo; fur clothing of the Chukchee; wood carving
of the northwest coast of America, of New Zealand, the Marquesas,
or central Africa; metal work ot Africa: appliqué work and embroi-
dery of the Amur River; pottery of the North American Pueblos;
bronze work of ancient Scandinavia are examples of this kind.
The close relation between technical virtuosity and the fullness of
artistic development may easily be demonstrated by an examination
of the art of tribes with onesided industries. While people like the
African negroes or the Malay are in possession of many industries,
such as basketry, carving, weaving, metal work and pottery, we find
others among whom the range of industrial activities is so narrow
that almost all the utensils for their manifold needs are made by
the same process. P.
The Californian Indians present an excellent example of this
kind. Their chief industry is basketry. Almost all their house-
hold goods, receptacles for storage, cooking vessels, mortars for
preparing food, children’s cradles, receptacles for carrying loads,
are made of basketry. As compared to this industry others em-
ployed for the manufacture of weapons and tools are insignificant.
The building of houses, of canoes, woodcarving, and painting are
only slightly developed. The only other occupation in which an
unusual degree of skill has been attained is featherwork. A great
deal of time is therefore given to the manufacture of baskets and
an unusual degree of virtuosity is found among the basketmakers.
The beauty of form, the evenness of texture of the Californian
baskets are well known and highly prized by collectors. At the same
2 — Kulturforskning B. VIII.
pres
—— == —
mr
=
18 The formal element in art
time the baskets are elaborately decorated with a variety of geo-
metrical designs or by the addition of shells and feathers. (Plate I.)
Basketmaking is an occupation of women and thus it happens that
among the Californian Indians only women are creative artists.
They are virtuosos in their technique and on account of their
virtuosity productive. The works of art made by the men are, as
compared to theirs, insignificant.
It so happens that conditions
among the northern neighbors of
the Californians are reversed.
From Puget Sound northward the
household goods and implements
of the Indians are made of wood,
and much of the time of the men
is spent in woodworking. They
are skilled joiners and carvers
who through constant practice have
acquired virtuosity in the handling
of wood. The exactness of their
work rivals that of our very best
craftsmen. Their boxes, buckets,
kettles, cradles, and dishes are all
made of wood, as those of the Californians are made of basketry. In
their lives basketry plays a relatively unimportant part. The industry
in which they have attained greatest proficiency, is, at the same time,
the one in which their decorative art is most fully developed. It finds
expression, not only in the beauty of form of the woodwork, but also
in elaborate decoration. Among these people all other aspects of
decorative art are weak as compared to their artistic expression in
woodwork or in art forms derived from woodwork (fig. 1). All
this work is done by men and hence it follows that the men are
the creative artists while the women seem to be lacking in inven-
tiveness and artistic sense. Here also virtuosity in technique and
artistic productivity go hand in hand.
Fig. 1. Front of painted box,
Tlingit, Alaska.
NETT WEST. tA > E a 4
—! = = — Se EE
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m 3e Ws 2 : s
E upra M 5 e : c
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i She a NITITUR
| Hac m p n META
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Maidu Baskets. 1—2. Butterfly design. 3. Raccoon design.
4. Rim: mountains; body: flying geese. 5. Moth-miller.
UNIV. BIBI
BERLIN.
a eM
The formal element in art. 19
As a third example we might mention the Pueblo Indians of the
Southern United States. In many villages of this region pottery is
the dominant industry and in pottery is found the highest expression
of art. The form of the clay vessel is characterized by great
regularity and it becomes the substratum for decoration. Since
pottery is a woman's art, women are the most productive artists
among the Pueblos (fig. 2. However, the industrial activities of
the Pueblos are not quite so one-sided as those of California and
British Columbia. Therefore the men
who are experienced in industrial work
devoted to ceremonial purposes are
not lacking in the ability of artistic
expression.
I believe these examples demonstrate
that there is a close connection between
the development of skill in an industry
and artistic activity. Ornamental art
has developed in those industries in Fig. 2. Jar from Zuni.
which the greatest skill is attained.
Artistic productivity and skill are closely correlated. Productive
artists are found among those who have mastered a technique,
among men when the industries are in their hands, among women
when they are devoted to industrial activities.
It will be admitted that aside from all adventitious form elements,
the product of an experienced worker in any handicraft has an
artistic value. A child learning to make a basket or a pot cannot
attain the regularity of outline that is achieved by the master.
The appreciation of the esthetic value of technical perfection is
not confined to civilized man. It is manifested in the forms of
manufactured objects of all primitive people that are not contaminated
by the pernicious effects of our civilization and its machine-made
wares. In the household of the natives we do not find slovenly
work, except when a rapid makeshift has to be made. Patience
and careful execution characterize most of their products. Direct
20 . The formal element in art
questioning of natives and their criticism of their own work shows
. also their appreciation of technical perfection. Virtuosity, complete
control of technical processes, however, means an automatic regu-
larity of movement. The basketmaker who manufactures a coiled
basket, handles the fibres composing the coil in such a way that
the greatest evenness of coil diameter results (fig. 3). In making
her stitches the automatic control of the left hand that lays down
the coil, and of the right that pulls the binding stitches over the
T
VI IX N AU "À
W
oW LIEN
AUDI
m
il Ir
Fig. 3. Coiled basketry. Fig. 4. Twined basketry.
coil brings it about that the distances between the stitches and the
strength of the pull are absolutely even so that the surface will be
smooth and evenly rounded and that the stitches show a perfectly
regular pattern, — in the same way as an experienced seamstress
will make her stitches at regular intervals and with even pull, so
that they lie like beads on a string. The same observation may be
made in twined basketry (fig. 4). In the handiwork of an expert
the pull of the woof string will be so even that there is no distor-
tion of the warp strings and the twisted woof will lie in regularly
arranged loops. Any lack of automatic control will bring about
irregularities of surface pattern.
A pot of well-rounded form results also from complete control of
a technique. Primitive tribes make their pottery without the aid
of the potter's wheel, and in most cases the potter builds up his
The formal element in art 21
vessel by the process of coiling, analogous to the coiling of a
basket. Long round strips of clay are laid down spirally beginning
at the bottom. By continued turning and gradual laying on of
more and more strips in a continued spiral the pot is built up.
Complete control of the technique will result in a perfectly round
cross section and in smooth curvatures of the sides. Lack of skill
will bring about lack of symmetry and
of smoothness of curvature. Virtuosity
and regularity of surface and form
are here also intimately related.
A similar correlation is found in
the manufacture of chipped stone
implements. After the brittle stone
has been roughly shaped it is given
its final form either by pressure
with an implement that squeezes
off long, thin flakes or by indirect
chipping. In the former case the
flaking implement is held in the right {
hand and by sudden pressure with a b
the point of the flaker long flakes Fig. 5. Chipped flint implements:
or small bits are removed from a North America; b Egypt.
the surface. When the worker has ;
attained complete control of this technique his pressure will be
even and executed with equal rapidity; the distances between the
points of attack will be the same and he will move his flaker
in regular lines. The result is a chipped implement of regular form
and surface pattern in which the long, conchoidal depressions caused
by the flaking off of thin chips are of equal size and regularly
arranged (fig. 5).
When indirect chipping is applied the thin part of the object
which is to be worked is placed on a hard, sharp edge and by a
smart blow on the body of the flint a strong vibration is produced
which results in a break just over the sharp edge. In this way,
EB TE AE gta hd
|
hi
1
|
a
22 The formal element in art
place and size of the flake are perfectly controlled by the expert
craftsman.
Quite similar are the conditions in woodwork. The smoothing
of large surfaces is generally done with the adze. A skilled worker
handles his adze automatically. The strength of the stroke and
the depth to which it enters the surface of the wood are always
the same and the chips removed have always the same size and
form. The workman will also move the adze in even lines and
strike the surface at even distances. The result of automatic
action is here, also, evenness of surface and regularity of surface
pattern (fig. 6).
These conditions are well-described by Sophus Miiller, who says,’
“A great part of the work on flint must be designated as luxury,
and was done with the sole intent of producing a masterpiece of
handiwork. When making an adze blade all that is needed for
practical purposes is a good cutting edge. Smoothness of face, back
and sides is not necessary, particularly since a large portion of these
were covered by the attachment to the handle. With coarse and
conchoidal chipping the blade would be equally serviceable. However,
the maker wanted to produce excellent stone work, to the making
of which he devoted all the care, taste and skill at his command
and by this the manufactured objects undoubtedly increased in value.
These objects might be called therefore, in the strict sense of the
term, works of artistic industry.”
All these examples show that complete automatic control of a
technique, and regularity of form and surface pattern are intimately
correlated. ;
However, besides these, attempts at decoration occur in which a
mastery of technique has not been attained. Among a few tribes
almost all artistic work is of this character. Among the inhabit-
ants of Tierra del Fuego are found only meagre examples of paint-
ing, lacking in skill (fig. 7). The patterns are simply dots and
! Sophus Müller, Nordische Altertumskunde, Strassburg 1897, Vol. I, p. 190.
23
The formal element in art
Fig. 6. Part of surface of
wooden sail, Vancouver
Fig. 8. Bushman designs from ostrich eggs and from
horn bracelet.
Painted board,
3
Fig. 7.
Fig. 9. Kaffer headrests.
Tierra del Fuego.
24 The formal element in art
coarse lines in which the arrangement is the essential artistic element.
It is intelligible that a feeling for symmetry may exist without the
ability of perfect execution. The modern Bushmen scratch patterns
on ostrich eggs which serve as receptacles for water (fig. 8). Here
we find the intent to give expression to form but with inadequate
means. It is important to note that the same motive, two circles
connected. by a narrow band, occurs several times in these etchings.
The circle might be suggested to the workman by the perforation
of the shell of the ostrich egg through which the water is poured
out, but the combination can hardly be derived on the basis of
Bushman industries. Shall we consider the pattern as the result
of the play of their imagination or as an attempt at representation?
It seems to me important to note that the neighbors of the Bush-
men, the negroes of the Zambezi, use the same pattern and that
rows of triangles and diamonds, such as are used by the Bushmen,
are found on their implements also (fig. 9). The pattern. may
therefore have come from an outside source.! Perhaps the decora-
tion on ostrich eggs is poor only on account of the difficulties of
handling the material. At least the zigzag patterns (fig. 8), found
on.a bracelet, show a much greater technical perfection than those
found on the ostrich eggs.
Here may also be mentioned the painting and carving of the
Melanesians. We see among them a wealth of forms in carvings
of excellent technique. In some specimens, particularly from
western New Guinea, we find complete mastery of the art. In
the majority of cases, however, there is an imperfect control of
technique, while there is an astounding multiplicity of forms. The
lines generally lack regularity and evenness (fig. 10 a, b). There is
no clear proof of a general degeneration of the art and we may
\
^ ! F. von Luschan, Buschmann-Einritzungen auf Strausseneiern, Zeitschrift für
Ethnologie, Vol. 55 (1923), pp. 31 et seq. — Hendrik P. M. Muller et John F.
Snelleman, L'Industrie des Caffres dans le sud-est de l'Afrique. (Pl. XIV, Figs.
2—5) See also P. C. Lepage, La décoration primitive; Afrique, Paris, Librairie
des arts décoratifs, Plate 5, where similar designs are shown on pottery vessels.
The formal element in art 25
perhaps assume that in this case the development of a keen sense for
form among all the carvers and painters of the tribe did not go hand
in hand with a corresponding mastery of technique. It is not unlikely
that foreign influence has led here to an exuberant form perception.
Setting aside any esthetic consideration, we recognize that in
cases in which a perfect tech-
nique has developed, the con-
sciousness ofthe artist of having
mastered great difficulties, in
other words the satisfaction of
the virtuoso is a source of
genuine pleasure.
I do not propose to enter
into a discussion of the ultimate
sources of all esthetic judg-
ments. It is sufficient for an
inductive study of the forms
of primitive art to recognize
that regularity of form and
evenness of surface are es-
sential elements of decorative
effect, and that these are intim-
ately associated with the feeling
of mastery over difficulties;
with the pleasure felt by the virtuoso on account of his own powers.
I can give at least a few examples which illustrate that the artist
has not in mind the visual effect of his work, but that he is stimu-
lated by the pleasure of making a complex form.
The raw hide boxes of the Sauk and Fox Indians are made ofa
large piece of hide which is carefully ornamented according to a
definite plan (fig. 11). The boxes are made by folding the hide.
There are five sides of approximately equal width (1—5). These
are the four sides of the box: front (5), bottom (4), back (3), top (2),
and a flap (1) covering the front. A strip on each side (ae) is
:
Mr
IT
f
TT
Wi Tm
LEE
“ct //
770 Lm
hi
D,
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A
Ww |
dO»
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PVVV VV
Fig. 10. Paddle and shield, New Ireland.
26 The formal element in art
folded over and the marginal piece (d) belonging to the bottom seg-
ment is folded in along diagonal lines às we fold in the ends of a
paper wrapper, so that the marginal strips, e and c, form the sides
of the box. Another similar fold is made in b when the top is folded
Fig. 11. Plan of rawhide box, Fig. 12. Rawhide box,
Sauk and Fox Indians. Sauk and Fox Indians.
over the top opening of the box. The folds at the bottom are sewed
in firmly, while the fold on top remains open. The resulting form
is shown in fig. 12. Those parts of the surface that are entirely
invisible are indicated by horizontal shading (fig. 11). These are
folded in and sewed in on the inside of the box. Those parts that
may be seen when the box is opened are indicated by diagonal
shading; while the white area is that part of the surface that is
visible when the box is closed and tied up. It will be noticed that
the fields ¢ and e overlap on the short sides of the finished box.
The formal element in art 27
The decoration of these boxes is carefully laid out on a flat piece
of rawhide. Corresponding to the five faces of the box most of
the designs are divided into five equal fields and corresponding to
the folded margins two marginal fields are set off from the central
UV
ST
tffe efl fl
Fig. 13. Design on rawhide for a box, Fig. 14. Design on rawhide for
Sauk and Fox Indians. a box, Sauk and Fox Indians.
field. This, however, is so narrow that in folding part of the lateral
design is turned over so that it becomes invisible. When the boxes
are folded the cohesion of the pattern is completely lost. Not only
do the folds fail to agree with the divisions, but owing to the method
of folding and the complete covering of the field d and of part of e,
the whole pattern is broken up and on the short sides we find
only fragments adjoining in the most irregular way (fig. 12). When
the box is closed field e adjoins field 1, and the overlapping
28 The formal element in art
section c adjoins it in the middle of the narrow side. On top it adjoins
field 2 and at the bottom field 4. The whole formal idea of the
carefully planned pattern is lost in the completed box. We find even
patterns laid out in four strips instead of five, so that the funda-
Fig. 15. Designs on rawhide boxes, Sauk and Fox Indians.
mental pattern and the sides do not coincide (fig. 14). It will be
seen, therefore, that the artist spends his ingenuity in decorating the
rawhide but that in the box the fundamental ideas of his carefully
planned decoration are lost.
The disregard of the original pattern is such that in some specimens
(fig. 15) part of the design has been cut off in order to make the
sides fit together. In our illustration the parts cut off,—the right
upper corners,— have been reconstructed.
The formal element in art 29
It might be said that similar conditions prevail in modern, patterned
fabrics that are made into garments. In this case the manufacturer
tries to attain a pleasing effect for the fabric as a whole. If economy
of material did not interfere, the tailor would fit the pattern together,
but we always feel the conflict between the pattern and the require-
ments of the finished garment.
As another example I mention
alegging made by an Indian wo-
man from the interior of British
Columbia. It bears the usual de-
coration,—a long fringe along the
outer seam. The fringe consists
of a long piece of curried skin
cut in narrow strips. These strips
are decorated in rhythmic order
(fig. 16), a string decorated by
one glass bead and two bone
beads in alternating order is
followed by a plain string, next
by one decorated with single
alternating glass and bone beads,
then a plain one and finally one like the first. When we indicate
the plain and decorated strips by letters, we find the arrangement
CJA-SCBAJABCBA:|:
repeated over and over again.! The important point to be noted is,
that when in use, the fringe hangs down without order along the
outer side of the leg so that the elaborate rhythmic pattern cannot
be seen. The only way in which the maker can get any satisfaction
from her work is while making it or when exhibiting it to her friends.
When it is in use there is no esthetic effect.
! James Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Publications of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, New York 1900, Vol. I, p. 382; see also Gladys
A. Reichard, The Complexity of Rhythm in Decorative Art, American Anthropologist
N. S., Vol. 24 (1922), p. 198.
Fig. 16. Fringe from legging,
Thompson Indians.
30 The formal element in art
Other cases occur in which motives are applied that are practically
invisible. Thus in mattings from Vancouver Island, the weaver will
alternate the direction of the strands in squares without any attempt
to set off the surface in colors (fig. 17).
When the matting is new these patterns
may be seen in reflected light, but
after a very short time they disappear
almost completely.
Similarly the woven patterns on arm
rings from the Ucayali are practically
invisible.’
To sum up: Objectively the excel-
lence of workmanship results in regul-
arity of form and evenness of surface
which are characteristic of most un-
contaminated primitive manufactures,
so much so that most objects of every day use must be considered
as works of art. The handles of implements, stone blades, receptacles,
clothing, permanent houses, canoes are finished off in such a way that
their forms have artistic value.
Expert workmanship in the
treatment of the surface may lead
not only to evenness but also to
the development of patterns. In
adzing the form of the object to be
smoothed will determine the most
advantageous direction of the lines
in which the adze has to be carried.
In a large Bella Bella canoe, the
body of the canoe is adzed in horizontal lines, while prow and stern
show vertical lines. The wolf carved on the bow of the same canoe
shows surface patterns on its body and limbs (fig. 18). Decorative
DES
=
S
ZZ
ZZ
SS
%
»
NINA
A ;
2
a
RIES
N
©
^.
Fig. 17. Twilled weaving showing
alternation of patterns.
Fig. 18. Carving on bow of Bella Bella
canoe, British Columbia.
! Max Schmidt, Besondere Geflechtsart der Indianer im Ucayaligebiete, Archiv
für Anthropologie, N. S., Vol. VI (1907), p. 270.
— coca ma sm
RE 2 Et m
nts : - 3 ; —
The formal element in art 31
use of adzed lines, is also found on a rattle (fig. 19). In this specimen
there is no technical need for the alternation in the direction of the
groves, and the fields on the top of the rattle can the explained
only as determined by the pleasure felt by the variation of the
simple activity in novel and more complicated ways.!
In chipping of flint zigzag lines are produced by the meeting of
two lines on a ridge (fig. 20).
Technical experience and the acquisition of virtuosity have probably
led to the general prevalence of the plane, the straight line and regular
Fig. 19. Rattle, Kwakiutl Indians, British Fig. 20. Base of flint knife,
Columbia. Scandinavia.
curves such as the circle and the spiral, for all of these are of
rare occurrence in nature, so rare indeed, that they had hardly ever
a chance to impress themselves upon the mind.
Plain surfaces are represented by crystals, by the cleavage of some
kinds of rock, or by the surface of water during a calm. Straight
lines by the shoots and stems of plants or by the sharp edges of
crystals; regular curved lines by the shells of snails, by vines, bubbles
on water or by smooth pebbles, but there is no obvious motive
that would induce man to imitate these particular abstract forms,
except perhaps in those cases in which regularly curved shells are
worn as ornaments or employed as utensils.
On the other hand, the straight line develops constantly in technical
work. It is a characteristic form of the stretched thong or cord and
its importance cannot be ignored by the hunter who hurls a lance or
flies an arrow. The technical use of the straight shoot may well have
! See also page 41.
232 The formal element in art
been important in its derivation. Plants like the bamboo or the reed
may thus have helped man to discover the value of the straight line.
More essential than this seems to be the possession of a perfect
technique, which involves great accuracy and steadiness of move-
ment. These in themselves must lead necessarily to regular lines.
When the uncertain wobbling of the cutting
tool is eliminated, smooth curves will re-
sult. When the potter turns the pot he
is making and his movements are quite
regular the pot will be circular. Perfectly
controlled coiling of basketry or of wire will
lead to the formation of equidistant spirals.
A number of other characteristic features
may be observed in the art of all times
and all peoples. One of these is sym-
metry. Symmetrical forms are found even
in the simplest forms of decorative art.
The tribes of Tierra del Fuego! decorate
their faces and bodies with designs, many
of which are symmetrical. Vertical lines on
both sides of the body or a series of symmetrically arranged dots
running from ear to ear across the nose are of this kind (fig. 21).
They also use symmetrically decorated boards with which they adorn
their huts (see fig. 7, page 23). The Andaman Islanders like to
decorate their bodies with symmetrical patterns (Plate II). Many of the
designs of the Australians are symmetrical (fig. 22) and in paleolithic
painting geometrical forms. occur. that exhibit bilateral symmetry
(fig. 23). In a few cases the elements arranged symmetrically are so
complex that the symmetry can have been attained only by careful
planning. Examples of this kind are necklaces of Indians in British
Columbia in which we find as many as eighteen beads of different
colors irregularly arranged, but repeated in equal order right and left.?
Fig. 21. Face painting, Tierra
del Fuego.
* W. Koppers, Unter Feuerland-Indianern, p. 48, Pl. 7.
? See Gladys A. Reichard, American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. 24 (1922) p. 191.
|
Islander.
Andaman
UNIV. BIBL
"BERLIN.
Le EIE
Poa
The formal element in art 33
The causes that have led to the widespread use of symmetrical
forms are difficult to understand. Symmetrical motions of the arms
and hands are physiologically determined. The right and left are
apt to move sym-
metrically and the
motions of the same
arm or of both arms
are often performed
rhythmically ^ and
symmetrically from
right to left and from
left to right. I am
inclined to consider
this condition as one
of the fundamental
determinants, in im-
portance equal to
the view of the sym-
metry of the human
body and of that of FA
animals; not that the Pen PAC >
designs are made by a
right and left hand,
rather that the sen-
sation ofthe motions £5.
of right and left
lead to the feeling
of symmetry.
In by far the greatest number of cases symmetrical arrangements
are to the right and left of a vertical axis, much more rarely above
and below a horizontal one.
The prevalence of horizontal and the rarity of vertical symmetry
is presumably due to the absence of vertically symmetrical move-
ments,—except in those rhythmic movements in which the arms are
3 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
AY
a
[]
[]
Fig. 23. Paleolithic paintings.
34 The formal element in art
alternately raised and lowered,—and in the rarity of natural forms
that are vertically symmetrical.
In nature we see generally more fundamental differences in vertical |
direction than in horizontal layers. In animals, legs, body and head
are on different levels. In landscapes, earth, trees, mountains and
sky follow one another in vertical succession. On the other hand,
we are liable to find in horizontal sequence sameness or variations
of analagous form. This may be one of the reasons why there are
found in ornamental art frequent arrangements in a series of horizontal
bands that differ fundamentally in pattern, while in each horizontal
band we find either symmetry, rhythmic repetition, or variations of
similar forms (figs. 24, 25, 26). Exceptions however, occur, for
instance in the decorations of Melanesian houses (Plate III).
Other causes may contribute to the development of symmetrical
patterns. In the making of coiled pottery or coiled basketry symmetry
results from the process of manufacture. By regular turning of the pot
or basket a circular form is produced. The process of winding twine
around a holder may have the same effect. In two-handed implements,
such as the bow of the bowdrill, symmetrical forms also develop, but im-
plements of this type are not by any means numerous and their occur-
rence is no adequate explanation of the general occurrence of symmetry.
We must leave it undecided whether the circumstances here re-
ferred to are adequate to account for the symmetry of form of
such implements as lance heads, arrowheads, baskets and boxes.
We must be satisfied with the establishment of their general occurence
and the knowledge that they have an esthetic value wherever they
are found. Examples of symmetrical arrangements are very numerous.
The boxes from British Columbia (fig. 274, p. 263), neckrests of the
Kaffers (fig. 9, p. 23), Melanesian shields and paddles (fig. 10, p. 25),
and the painted rawhides of the Sauk and Fox (figs. 13—15, pp. 27, 28)
may serve as exemples. A special type. of symmetrical design is
found in our heraldic style with its animals rampant on each side of
a central field. It is interesting to note that the same arrangement
is very ancient. It occurs on the Lions’ Gate of Mycenae. It has
also developed independently in prehistoric Peru (fig. 27).
ia e
HI.
PLATE
mea.
New Gu
Northern
,
Decorated House
X —
ee a
em
-—
ie d
The formal element in art : 35
L7) SAN
JIT 5) LX <<
ION)
NS
THIN,
g^ AAA
Ns DS]
SSII SEAL SKIN
ASSAY
Tum um
ee
Ace =
p LENS
REZ IS
ASSIS
Ws
LLL
HHHHXK
Fig. 25.
Design from
bamboo spear,
Fig. 27. Peruvian designs. Fig. 26. Etruscan vase.
U - e$ d
36 The formal element in art
On objects that are frequently seen from different sides are found
forms that are symmetrical both ways, when seen right and left
and when seen up and down. Examples of this are the Australian
shield fig. 22 (p. 33), and the parfleches of the North American
Indians (fig. 89, p. 97). On objects of similar character made by the
same technical processes
and by the same tribe,
such as rawhide bags
(fig. 28) double sym-
metry may also occur.
In circular forms the
diameter is often the
axis of symmetry. In
other cases symmetrical
fields are radially ar-
ranged and there may be
a number of repetitions.
The circumference takes
the place of the hori-
zontal, the radius that
of the vertical (fig. 29).
In a number of cases
Fig. 28. Painted rawhide Fig. 30. Carved board WE find instead of normal
bags, Shuswap, British Kaiserin Augusta Fluss, symmetry an inversion
Columbia. New Guinea. of the two symmetrical
halves so that what is
above to the right, is below to the left. Arrangements of this type are,
however, less numerous than true symmetry. Such forms occur in
New Guinea. They are due to the decorative development of the two
branches of a double spiral (fig. 30). This form results sometimes from
circular rhythmic repetitions in which the whole circle is filled by two
or more units. This is found for instance, in pottery from the south-
western Pueblos (fig. 31) and also quite commonly in Central-America."
! See, for instance S. K. Lothrop, Pottery of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, New
York, 1926, Plates 39, 46, fig. 195.
37
The formal element in art
N
igns of the Dayak.
Fig. 20. Des
.
Designs from pottery of the ancient Pueblos
Fig. 31.
38 The formal element in art
Other figures resulting from rotation, that is from a decorative pattern
applied rhythmically in the same direction, as for instance the swastika
and S shaped figures occupying
the center of a decorative field,
» present the same type of inverted
symmetry. The same treatment
is found in the art of ancient
Scandinavia (fig. 32).
A curious development of this
decorative device is applied in
the art of ancient Peru. On
many fabrics we find patterns
consisting of a diagonal arrange-
ment of squares or rectangles.
In each diagonal the same de-
sign is repeated, while the next
Fig. 32. Bronze ornament, Sweden, diagonal has another type. In
7the Century A. D. : : : :
each diagonal line the design is
shown in varying positions. If
the one faces the right, the next
faces the left. At the same time
there is an alternation of colors,
so that even when the form is the
same, the tints and the color values
will not be the same. A charac-
teristic specimen of this type will
be described later on (p. 47).
The plan of one of these de-
signs is illustrated in fig. 33."
There are eight rectangular fields with two designs (1 and 2); those right
and left of the middle line and those above and below the horizontal
middle line are symmetrical in regard to form. In color, 1 corre-
sponds to 1b and la to lc; also 2 corresponds in color to 2b and
I Walter Lehmann, Kunstgeschichte des alten Peru, Berlin 1924, Plates 3 and 4.
Fig. 33. Design from Peruvian textile.
The formal element in art 39
2a to 2e. The colors being in all these cases, on the whole, reversed.
1, 2, and 1b, 2b have a yellowish background and a red field sur-
rounding the tree shaped design;
la, 2a and 1e, 2c have a light red
background and a greenish field
surrounding the tree shaped figure.
The whole field, consisting of four
sections, is followed in the whole
decorated stripe by another set of
four sections in form like the pre-
ceding one. In this the background
of 1 and 2, 1b and 2b is blue, of
la, 2a and lc, 2c yellowish. The
field surrounding the tree shaped
figure is yellowish in 1 and Ib,
greenish in 1a, and lc. Taken as
a whole, the right side is prac-
tically the same as the left, turned
upside down. The order of fields
on the left from the top downward
and for the right side from below
upward, is according to the color
of the background, abbreviating,
r red, y yellow, b blue:
rryy/yybb/rryy/vyy
"bbirTfTyv/yybbyrTTyy/.
A second example is shown in
fig. 34. In this specimen the di-
agonally arranged fields marked1,a,
2. b! have the same color scheme.
The larger fields in 1 are yellow, the lesser black. The larger fields
in 2 are pink, the lesser grey. The background in b is grey, the scroll
purple The background in a is dark grey, the scroll light purple.
! These remarks refer also to the fields marked as 1/, 1" etc.
Fig. 34. Designs from Peruvian textile.
40 The formal element in art
Another fundamental element of decorative form is rhythmic repeti-
tion. Technical activities in which regularly repeated movements are
employed lead to rhythmic repetition in the direction in which the
movement proceeds. The rhythm of time appears here translated
into space. In flaking, adzing, hammering. in the regular turning
and pressing required in the making of coiled pottery, in weaving,
regularity of form and rhythmic repetition
of the same movement are necessarily
connected. These rhythmic movements
always produce the same series of forms.
Examples of rhythmic surface forms deter-
mined by perfect control of a technique
are found in many industries and in all
parts of the world. Exquisite regularity
of flaking is found in the Egyptian flint
knives (see fig. 5, p. 21). It is not. so
frequent in the flaking of American Indi-
ans. The adzed boards of the Indians of
the North Pacific Coast bear chipping
marks of great regularity that give the
appearance of a pattern (figs. 6, p. 23
and 18, p. 30). On surfaces that are to be painted these marks
are often polished off with grit-stone or shark skin, while on unpainted
parts they are kept, presumably on account of their artistic effect.
In Oriental metal work the strokes of the hammer are so regular
that patterns: consisting of flat surfaces originate. Other examples
of the artistic effect of the regularity of movement are found in the
prehistoric corrugated pottery of the North American South West.
The coils are indented by pressure of the fingers and a series of
indentations form a regular pattern on the surface (fig. 35). The
effect of automatic control is seen nowhere more clearly than in
basketry, matting and weaving. It has been pointed out before
(p. 20) that evenness of surface results from regularity of move-
ment. The rhythmic repetition of the movement leads also to
Fig. 35. Pot-of coilled pottery, -
Prehistoric Pueblo Indians.
The formal element in art 41
rhythmic repetition of pattern. This is most beautifully illustrated
by the best examples of California basketry.
The virtuoso who varies the monotony of his movements and
enjoys his ability to perform a more complex action, produces at
the same time a more complex rhythm. This happens particularly
in weaving and related industries such as braiding and wrapping
with twine. Skipping of
strands,— that is twilling (see
fig. 17, p. 30) is the source
of many rhythmic forms and
twilling is undertaken by the
virtuoso who plays with his
technique and enjoys the
overcoming of increased diffi-
culties.
In many cases rhythmic Fig. 36. Necklace of Thompson Indians.
complexity is clearly the result
of careful planning. I have referred before to the rhythmical arrange-
ment on fringes of the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, (p. 29).
Another good example (fig. 36) is a double necklace in which
the rhythmic series is—
black, red, yellow, green, blue, green,
both in the inner and outer lines while the connecting links have
the order black, red, yellow, green, red, blue.!
Dr. Reichard? has discussed a number of other examples from
the same region which have similar characteristics. In one example
! In this specimen (see American Anthropologist, N. S., Volume 24, 1922, p. 188),
the connecting links between tbe two strings have been misplaced, the inner string
of beads being shifted three units to the right, i. e. the central connecting link
is attached to the first yellow bead to the left of the red center; the others being
shifted correspondingly. They have been corrected here so as to bring out the
arrangement which was evidently planned.
? American Anthropologist l. c., pages 198—199.
42 The formal element in art
the arrangement of the fringe elements is more complex than in the
one previously described. Designating different colors by numbers
and dentalia shells by D, we find the order
123:D2123212D321!
Other examples of complex rhythms from this region have been
given by Dr. Reichard in the essay previously referred to.
In some instances the rhythms are not so distinct, but nevertheless
discernible. As an example may serve a neckband consisting of
a double string in which beads of various colors are interspersed
among red beads in the following order
-f-f--r-—-r---r----r---r--r—
pe en LEN X NN
-fr--r-—f--f——~rfr--—f————f———f~~f-—
In Eastern Siberia similar conditions occur.?
A fairly simple sequence is shown on an embroidered strip (fig. 37 a)
consisting in regular sequence. of squares followed by three narrow
strips; the middle strip is a little wider than the two lateral strips.
A more complex rhythm is shown in figure 37b. The long fringe
which is caught in the seam near the upper border of the embroid-
ery is repeated at regular intervals. An embroidered strip near the
upper part of the design is interrupted and the black bars on the
central white strip are omitted at these places. A division of the
upper row of embroidery, between the sets of fringes, into three
parts of unequal length will be noticed. Just under the breaks in
this row are two groups of tufts of seal fur, a little wider below
} Owing to a probable error the arrangement of the beads, the order of the last
five beads to the right is
D2321 instead of 2D 321.
The change of D and 2 makes the arrangement symmetrical. The same result
might be obtained by changing the first five beads from 1 2 3 D 2 to 1 2 3 2 D and
leaving the right end undisturbed.
? See W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition,
Vol. VI, pp. 688 et seq. ; and in the publication previously referred to by Dr. Reichard.
. arrangement of groups of white lines on the lower two rows.
The formal element in art 43
Comm
Jus 3 =
ani = “a n
DESEE zi A ie, RH RT L
a P ENS
M 0 n SO fi Any ERDE m DARREN ) \
D 0 Ml T MIT "
MM (li 1 4 UA j|
Fíg. 37. Koryak embroideries.
than on top, and these are set off more definitely by the
Still more complex are a number of borders embroidered in colored
yarn. In these we may distinguish between the rhythm of form and
of color (fig. 38). The arrangement is one combining symmetry with
rhythmic complexity. On one of these strips (fig. 38a) some of
the rectangles with rhombic checkerwork have a white background;
in these there are two rows of blue or purple diamonds at each
end and two rows.of red diamonds in the centre (design 1). Other
rectangles have a yellow background with red diamonds at the sides
and blue ones in the middle (design 2). Besides these there is one
with red background and black diamonds (design 3). The colors of
the crosses are irregularly arranged. There are four with predomi-
44 The formal element in art
nating red and white (design 4) and others with predominating yellow
and blue (design 5). The most symmetrical arrangement of this
strip requires a yellow rectangle in the middle of the front. One
end of the stripe, as shown in the illustration, has three short blue
bars on a red background (design 6) The peculiar cut at this end
fits into a corresponding cut at the other end and shows that the
stripe as it is has been taken from a garment. The general impres-
sion of the design is that the rhythm and symmetry of the crosses
is subordinated to the symmetry of the rectangles. For this reason
I have placed the crosses in the following arrangement in the upper
line, the rectangles in the lower line.
Crosses $5 58S 045-85 4 4 S4 ^6
Rectangles 2: d 0T LnL2:3 1^2 1. 23-1
Front Back
The embroidery on figure 38b consists of four distinct elements ;
a flower with leaves on each side (design 1); one branch with curved
leaves (design 2); one branch with terminal flowers (design 3) Be-
sides these there is one other element which occurs only once on
the back of the coat. It is marked design 4. The embroidered
stripe is not sewed symmetrically to the coat but has evidently been
placed in such a way that the arrangement in the front of the coat
corresponds to the sequence:—
2 92 131 2372
while the back is occupied by three designs (3). The small design (4)
is found on the back. The whole arrangement of the small designs
on the back being 299334: 55
Another specimen (fig. 38c) consists of a double leaf design on a
plain background alternating with another design consisting of three
crosses. This pair of designs occurs in regular succession five times,
but under the left arm it is interrupted by the two patterns shown
on the right hand side of the figure.
The formal element in art 45
AA EES
Fig. 38. Koryak embroideries.
In still another coat (fig. 38d) we find the same series of designs
in symmetrical arrangement on the front and back. The middle is
occupied by a cross and the other designs follow as indicated. Under
the right arm appears an additional design, consisting of a central
cross and rhomboidal fields with central dots; while under the left
46 The formal element in art
arm a single field is added differing in color from all the others but
related to them in form.
An interesting feature in this series is the overlapping of form
and color. This condition appears even more clearly in designs from
ancient Peru. I observed the occurrence of this rhythmical form a
number of years ago and called the attention of Mr. Charles Mead
to the phenomenon.
He described! a number of designs of this type which show a
rhythmic arrangement of six units, sometimes the same in form but
different in color. Sometimes with a double rhythm, one of form
and one of color.
Plate IV, fig.1 represents a border of vicuna wool, consisting of a series
of diagonal bars all of the same pattern. The sequence of color is:
Bright red (1) with brown (7) dots.
Blue (2) with pink (1*) dots.
Dull yellow (3) with brown (7) dots.
White (4).with pink (1*) & brown (7) dots.
Dark green (5) with red (1) dots.
Red (1) with green (2) dots.
OU P II
The triangular patterns (Plate IV, fig. 2) have the following
sequence:
1. Background white figures red spots dark blue.
2 — dark blue — red — dark yellow.
3. — yellow — red — dark blue.
4. o brown — red — yellow.
5 o light blue — red — dark yellow.
6 o dark yellow — red — light blue.
The quadruple bird head pattern (Plate IV, fig. 3) has the following
colors for the background, bird, and bird's eye:
' Charles W. Mead, Six-Unit design in Ancient Peruvian Cloth, Boas Anniversary
Volume, New York 1906, pp. 193 et seq.
‘AI ALVId
'Se[hxo] uviAnJog
M. ) B IB Ls
IN.
UNI
BERL
The formal element in art 47
1. Background pink 1 bird: yellow eye: pink.
2 — yellow 2 — red — yellow.
3. — dark yellow 3 — light yellow — yellow.
4, — dark red Ja — yellow — pink.
5 — yellow 2* — dark red — yellow.
6 = dark yellow 32 — light yellow — lightyellow.
A large cloak from Ica is embroidered with designs representing
a man with a bow and head dress (fig. 39). The figures are the
same all over, except that the position and the objects they hold
alternate right and left. The color scheme, however, varies: there
are six distinctive types. Con-
sidering only the colors of coat,
legs and face we may arrange
them in the following order:
Coat. Legs.
1. Yellow dark blue
2. purple red
3. red dark blue
4. blue dark yellow
5. black dark blue
6. dark blue black
Face, above. Face, below.
1. darkyellow black
2. yellow white
3. brown dark yellow
4. blue red
5. brown dark yellow Fig. 39. Peruvian embroidery
6. darkyellow light yellow from Ica.
The fifth and sixth type correspond in the rest of their
color schemes to the third and second types.
The general arrangement of these types is as follows:
48 The formal element in art
2. 305453 6:584 33206580045 4^ 2-73
In the actual arrangement there are apparently three mistakes. In
the first horizontal line, the two figures marked with the note a
have been exchanged. In line six and line eight the two figures
marked with the note b have been transposed and in line eight the
two figures with the note c have been exchanged. It will be seen
that when these transpositions have been effected the diagonal lines
running from the first row down to the left, follow a regular alter-
nation of types. Type 6. is clearly related to 2, and type 5 to 3.
Since in quite a number of woven garments regular diagonal se-
quences may be observed, it seems likely that these were particular
determinants of the style. There are in all, six different types, but
if we imagine the lines continued, it would be found that the same
order will occur after twelve lines. The embroidery does not repre-
sent a regular six unit design but is rather a four unit design of
two distinct types—1 2 3 4 and 1 6 5 4,—in which the former type
is repeated twice and the latter once.
Similar observations may be made on the fabrics illustrated in
Reiss and Stübel's *Necropolis of Ancon". I have selected a few
specimens that illustrate the rhythmic repetition of color. Figure 40!
represents a band with red background on which are animal figures
in the following sequence:
purple, yellow, green, yellow, white, yellow, green, yellow
' Reiss and Stübel, Necropolis of. Ancon, p. 67 b, fig. 3.
The formal element in art 49
in other words a sequence of eight units consisting of one purple
and one white design interrupted by the symmetrical color sequence
yellow, green, yellow. The yellow designs are surrounded by a
heavy black border.
In figure 41! we have another band which consists of diagonal
patterns framed by red lines except in one place where a black
Fig. 40. Peruvian fabric.
"EB —
Fig. 41. Peruvian fabric.
frame is found. As on the preceding specimen the black serves to
separate the red and yellow. The design is the same all through,
and the order of the elements as follows :
yellow red yellow brown yellow
black frame black zig-zag red frame red zig-zag red frame
blue-green — yellow purple
red zig-zag red frame red zig-zag
-
In other words the essential sequence is yellow, red, yellow, brown,
yellow, blue-green, yellow, purple; a series of eight elements.
! [bid, p. 67, fig. 6.
4 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
50 The formal element in art
In figure 42 we find a border of simple interlocking S shaped designs
in the order, white, dark blue, light blue, yellow, brown; a series
of five ele-
ments which
are repeated
regularly.
Fig. 42. Peruvian fabric. Figure 43
represents a
part of a design on a poncho in which, from above downward we
have a series of six pairs of a fret design in the following arrangement:
green, red
yellow, blue
white, purple
yellow, brown
ligt red, black
the sixth line repeats the
color sequence of the first.
Figure 44 is a somewhat
complicated design which is
not completely shown in the
section here represented.
The principle of the pattern
is illustrated in figure 44b.
The sequence of color of
the S shaped head design
is purple, yellow, green, on
a red background.
In figure 45 we have a
decorative band with the
color sequence yellow, green, yellow, green, light yellow, white,
yellow, green, yellow; obviously a series of six units. The designs
on the background of these colors are all in red.
In figure 46 a border is shown which has the color arrangement,
from left to right:
Fig. 43. Peruvian fabric.
5]
The formal element in art
Peruvian fabric.
Fig. 44.
A
A
DIN
? N
0
AN /
à
x
Peruvian fabric.
Fig. 45.
AON
NN
SES
oN
REE y
is
S
NE
[I
Q
JS
Fs
SA)
OR EX NS,
S J SRN
N SN
Na
SENS
\ NN
id
SS
PASSE
fabric.
Peruvian
46.
Fig.
Mi
52 The formal element in art
pink—black,
red— yellow,
light gray—dark gray,
black— pink,
yellow—red,
dark gray—light gray.
In this specimen there is a systematic inversion of color values;
what is light in the first set of three is dark in the second three.
This tendency is quite marked in a considerable number of cases.
We have for instance, a series of
white, red, yellow;—gray, pink, yellow,
where the white corresponds to the dark gray and the red to the light pink.
The tendency to this repetition of colors is shown very clearly in
Mexican codices. For example in the Codex Nuttall, p. 82 (fig. 47),
we find in the figure in the left hand lower corner a base in which
stepped triangles are used with the sequence: yellow, red, black,
yellow, purple, reddish brown. On the same page, the feather fringes
on the coats of the figures represented are in the same order. Quite
a number of feather dresses may be found in which the same order
is preserved, as for instance on page 81 of the same Codex. The
order in which these colors are given runs sometimes from left
to right; sometimes from right to left, as for instance in the feather
dress of the lowest left hand figure, page 81. Sometimes a different
set of colors is used. On the feather head dress of a figure, page 75,
we find the order:
white, red, yellow, blue, purple, brown,
white, purple, yellow, blue, red, brown (twice),
and the latter order is repeated in figures found on page 67 in the
left hand lower corner on a base; in reverse order on page 67.0n
a feather coat and also on page 62 in stripes on the figures in the
lower right hand corner. It seems that in this codex the order of
colors is quite definitely fixed.
Theformal element in art 53
Remarkable rhythmic repetitions are found also on bead work
from the Zambesi. On quite a number of specimens the following
order of colors is regularly repeated:
Black white red yellow green yellow red white. Or written in
another way: Green yellow red white black white red yellow.
eee
Ne 2
ew |
Fig. 47. Patterns from Mexican Codex.
These occur on a belt, a woman's apron, a necklace, and on two
mats!. In a number of places blue is substituted for green, and
brown for red.
The rhythmic repetition and symmetry appears most clearly when
we substitute numbers for colors. I designate
White 1, Red 2, Yellow 3, Brown 3‘, Blue 4, Green 4‘, Black 5.
* Muller et Snelleman, L'industrie des Caffres dans le sud-est de l'Afrique.
PL. XIX figs. 3, 5, 7. PL XXIV figs. 1, 2.
54 Theformal elementin art
According to the description of the belt first mentioned, as given
by the authors, there is a regular repetition in the following order:
1 2 3 141 3.2.1 [51-1.2 31411 3.2 1.45]
1.2 3 14^
The same order is found on the handle of an axe which is deco-
rated with colored zigzag lines !.
On a pouch? there is a lower field arranged in rows of diamonds,
followed by a middle field consisting of zigzag bands, and an upper
field consisting again of diamonds.
In this the order is from below upward
2.1 5 1 2. 3 4 3 2 |4 358 1.53 3 5 1 |
diamonds zigzags
2.3.4 3 2
diamonds.
Like symmetry, rhythmic repetition runs generally on horizontal
levels, right and left, although not quite as preponderantly as symmetry.
Piling up of identical or similar forms occurs in nature as often
as lateral symmetry. Plants with their vertical succession of leaves,
branches of trees, piles of stones, ranges of mountains rising behind
one another, may suggest vertical arrangements of similar elements.
However, much more common are repetitions in horizontal bands;
of simple arrangements of single strokes in rows; and of complicated
successions of series of varied figures that recur in regular order
(fig. 48, Plate V).
It follows from what has been said before that the forms here
discussed are not expressive of specific emotional states and in this
sense significant.
This conclusion may be corroborated by a further examination of
decorative forms.
We have already indicated that the artistic value of an object is
not due to the form alone, but that the method of manufacture
1 Ibid. plate XI, fig. 1.
* [bid., plate XXIV, fig. 3.
'A LY Id
nyseX eur Jo
Sj9]qor) ssnuny
j
UNIV BIBL,
BERLIN.
P Ww:
The formal element in art 55
gives to the surface an artistic quality, either through its smooth-
ness or through a patterning that results from the technical processes
employed. However, the treatment of the surface is not controlled
solely by technical processes. We may observe that in the art pro-
ducts of people the world over other elements occur that are due
to the attempt to emphasize the form.
The application of marginal patterns is one of the most common
methods employed for this purpose. In many cases these are
technically determined. When, for instance, a woven basket is
finished off, it is neces-
sary to fasten the loose
strands and this leads
generally to a change
of form and surface
pattern in the rim. The
strands may be turned
down, wrapped and
sewed together, they
may be braided, or
woven together and left
standing as a fringe. In a bark basket the rim must be strengthened
by a band, to prevent splitting of the bark, and the band and the
sewing set off the rim from the body. A thin metal disk may have
to be strengthened by rolling in the outer rim.
The birchbark basketry of western North America and of Siberia
presents an excellent example of a marginal pattern originating
through technical necessity and regularity of motor habits. Neces-
sary protection of the rim is obtained by sewing on a hoop. The
grain of the bark runs parallel to the rim and if the stitches were
all passing through the same grain the whole rim of the basket
would tear off. It is therefore necessary to make the holding stitches
of different lengths. This is done in the most effective way by
beginning with a short stitch which passes through the bark imme-
diately under the strengthening hoop, by making the next stitch a
Fig. 48. Pottery vessels: a Finland; b Ica, Peru.
56 The formal element in art
Nm
A CS
E
TCI
N= z
= S 2
2 AZ T
De
Fig. 49. Birchbark vessels; a, b, Amur River; c, Shuswap;
d, e, Alaska.
ry
The formal element in art 57
little longer and the following still longer.
In this way the distance
from the frst short stitch has become long enough to permit a
repetition of the new short stitch and by
continuing in this way a marginal pattern
of right triangles develops. The same
result may be attained by alternating a
few short stitches with a few long ones.
‘From this results a different type of
pattern. The same method is used by the
Golds of southeastern Siberia (fig. 49 !).
In woodwork, pottery and in most
kinds of metal work these technical
motives are not present. Nevertheless
marginal patterns are widely distributed,
although they cannot be explained on
the basis of technical considerations.
It would be quite arbitrary to claim
that all these marginal patterns were
primarily suggested in those types of
technique in which a distinctive treat-
ment of the margin is a necessity, for
these are relatively few in number and
of highly specialized character, while
rim patterns are well nigh universal.
It is instructive to observe that in coiled
pottery the whole body of the vessel
is generally polished off and that some-
times the impressions of the modelling
fingers are left on the rim. There is
no technical, compelling reason that
requires this mode of treatment, but it
Fig. 50. Pottery vessels; a, 5,
Chiriqui, Costa Rica; c Ontario.
is intelligible as an attempt to emphasize the form. Examples of
this mode of treatment are very numerous. Rows of small pellets,
! See for a fuller description the remarks by F. Boas in James Teit “The Shuswap”,
Publications of the Jesup North Pacific expedition, Volume II, page 418—481.
58 The formal element in art
moulded rims or incised lines along the rim of pots (fig. 50), small
marginal curves along the rim of bronze disks, lines accompanying
the rims of flat dishes and spoons such as are used by the Alaskan
Eskimo, incised lines on the rim of a soapstone pot of the Hudson
Bay Eskimo, and on their ivory combs (fig. 51) the spur line
decoration of all the Eskimo tribes (see fig. 78, p. 86), the jutting
out of the rims of dishes
from Oceania, or on pots
from ancient Europe are of
this kind. As F. Adama van
Scheltema has justly pointed
out, we cannot reduce
this world-wide tendency
to any other ultimate cause
than to a feeling for form,
in other words, to an esthetic
impulse that prompts man
to emphasize the form of
the object that he has made.
In a number of cases the
form is not so much ac-
centuated as rather set off,
closed in and separated from
Fig. 51. a, Part of soapstone keitle; the surrounding space by a
b, c, d, Ivory combs, Eskimo. formal limitation, a marginal
line, thickening of the rim
or a sharp crest, by which means the individualization of the object is
attained. Quite often these limiting bands develop into decorative
fields and serve the double purpose of limitation and of decoration.
They may attain an individuality of their own.
When the surface itself is decorated, these lines or ornamental
bands serve the additional purpose of limiting and closing the decora-
tive field. Examples of this kind are very numerous. We find
them in borders of our rugs, in architectural decoration, when the
The formal element in art 59
corners and roof lines of a building are formed by ornamental stone
work, in book binding,—in short in practically all forms of modern
decorative art, but no less in primitive art. Blankets of the Alaskan
Indians (see figs 269 et seq., pp. 259 et seq.), bronze work of ancient
Scandinavia, prehistoric pottery of Europe and of Central America,
gable boards of New Zealand houses, belts from New Guinea,
baskets from British Guinea
(fig. 81, p. 90) and wooden
cups from the Congo re-
gion illustrate this tendency
(ig. 52).
There are, however, many
cases in which the decora-
tion is so closely adapted to
the form of the object that
the stimulus for developing
a closing outline is not felt.
The decoration of the field
appears as a picture fitted
into the object. In still
other cases the smooth,
undecorated marginal field Fig. 52. Wood carving, Bambala, Congo.
serves as a border setting
off the central ornamented area. In basketry with radial decoration,
we find often a lack of border designs and a tendency to let the
ornament run right up to the rim where it seems cut off.
Another characteristic trait of decorative art must be mentioned.
Not only is the general form emphasized and limited, but its
natural divisions are determining elements in the application of decor-
ative patterns and bring it about that the decoration is arranged in
distinct fields. This is very apparent in pottery in which a neck is
set off from a body or in which the body is divided by a sharp
angle into an upper and a lower part. Such types are found in
prehistoric European art as well as in America (fig. 53).
60 The formal element in art
On pouches of American Indians (fig. 54) body and flap are treated as
separate units. In moccasins, the uppers form a field separate from the
rim (fig. 55). In clothing, the patterns on collars, pockets or sleeves
are often considered as separate units. Wissler has called attention
to the influence of the structure of garments upon their decoration.
The tripartite division of the decorative field of Alaskan woven
blankets is determined by the position of the blanket. The wider
Fig. 53. Pottery vessel,
. Molkenberg type,
Megalithic .period.
Fig. 55. Embroid-
ered moccasin,
Apache.
Fig. 54. Pouch, Arapaho.
middle field is on the back of the wearer, the narrower, lateral
fields are in front of the body (see figs. 269 et seq., pp. 259 et seq.).
In garments made of single pieces of fabric, or in sewed basketry
(fig. 56) we find the seams sometimes decorated so that the
seam becomes a decorative element. In other cases seams are
accompanied by decorative bands. In leggings and shirts of American
Indians the seams are often emphasized by the attachment of fringes.
In other objects prominent places are elaborated by the addition
of decorative elements.
In clay pots, the handles are so treated (fig. 57). On shields the
! Clark Wissler, Structural Basis to the Decoration of Costumes among the
Plains Indians, Anthrop. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist, Vol. 17, pp. 93 et seq.
Fig. 56. Birchbark
The formal element in art 61
SIT
, S 3D
XT LS
fi "i 2
pi gt
Fig. 57. Pottery vessel, Arkansas.
62 The formal element in art
central knob becomes an object of decoration. The handles of canes or
other knob-like terminations are often elaborated as decorative elements.
Sometimes fields without natural breaks, such as wall surfaces,
are treated as units. Examples of this kind are our modern wall
papers, or the painted walls of ancient Egyptian buildings. Often
the tendency to break up the decorative field is so strong, that even
where a natural division is not given it may be broken up into
smaller parts. We may notice particularly that the marginal lines
which emphasize or limit the form, develop exuberantly and thus
encroach more and more upon
the body of the object. In
baskets from the interior of
British Columbia the marginal
pattern has grown to such an
extent that it occupies the
whole upper half or even more
of the basket and is itself süb-
divided into a number of fields
that follow the outline of the
Fig. 58. Imbricated basket, Chilcotin, margin (fig. 58). Similar Condi-
British Columbia. tions are found on the margins of
blankets of the New Zealanders
(see Plate VIII, p. 182) and on the bronze work of ancient Scandinavia.
Thus we reach the conclusion that a number of purely formal
elements, some of which are more or less closely connected with
technical motives, others with physiological conditions of the body
and still others with the general character of sense experience are
determinants of ornamental art. From this we conclude that a
fundamental, esthetic, formal interest is essential; and also that art,
in its simple forms, is not necessarily expressive of purposive action,
but is rather based upon our reactions to forms that develop through
mastery of technique. The same elements play also an important
role in highly developed art forms. If it is true that these elements
are in part not purposive, then it must be admitted that our relation
The formal element in art 63
to them is not essentially different from those we have towards
esthetically valuable phenomena of nature. The formal interest is
directly due to the impression derived from the form. It is not
expressive in the sense that it conveys a definite meaning or expresses
an esthetic emotion.
It might be thought that this condition prevails only in the domain
of decorative art, and that representative art, dance, music, and
poetry must always be expressive. This is to a great extent true
so far as representative art is concerned, for the term itself implies
that the art product represents a thought or an idea. It is also
necessarily true in poetry, in so far as its materials are words that
convey ideas. Nevertheless a formal element may be recognized
in these also, a form element quite analagous to the one we found
in decorative art. It determines certain aspects of the characteristic
style. So far as representative art is ornamental, the formal prin-
ciples of decorative art enter into the composition and influence the
representative form. In dance, music and poetry, rhythm and
thematic forms follow stylistic principles that are not necessarily
expressive but that have objectively an esthetic value. We shall
discuss these questions more fully at another place *.
* See p. 301.
REPRESENTATIVE ART
AW the formal elements. which we have previously discussed
are fundamentally void of definite meaning, conditions are quite
different in representative art. The term itself implies that the work
does not affect us by its form alone, but also, sometimes even
primarily, by its content. The combination of form and content
gives to representative art an emotional value entirely apart from
the purely formal esthetic effect.
If has been customary to begin the discussion of representative
art with a consideration of the simple attempts of primitive people
or of children to draw objects that interest them. I believe that
the art problem is obscured by this procedure. The mere attempt
to represent something, perhaps to communicate an idea graphically,
cannot be claimed to be an art; just as little as the spoken word
or the gesture by means of which an idea is communicated, or an
object,—perhaps a spear, ‘a shield or a box,—in which an idea of
usefulness is incorporated, is in itself a work of art. It is likely
that an artistic concept may sometimes be present in the mind of
the maker or speaker, but is becomes a work of art only when it is
technically perfect, or when it shows striving after a formal pattern.
Gestures that have rhythmical structure, words that have rhythmic and
tonal beauty are works of art; the implement of perfect form lays claim
to beauty; and the graphic or sculptural representation has an esthetic,
an artistic value, when the technique of representation has been
mastered. When a tyro attempts to create a work of art, we may
recognize and study the impulse, but the finished product teaches only
his vain efforts to master a difficult task. When man is confronted
with a new problem like the building of a house of new, unfamiliar
material, he is apt to find a solution, but this achievement is not art,
it is a work adapted to a practical end. It may be that the solution
is intuitive, that is, that it has not been found by an intellectual process,
but after having been solved it is subject to a rational explanation.
Representative art 65
Just so when man has to represent an object, he is confronted with a
problem that demands a solution. The first solution is not an artistic
but a practical achievement. We are dealing with a work of art only
when the solution is endowed with formal beauty or strives for it.
The artistic work begins after the. technical problem has been mastered.
When primitive man is given a pencil and paper and asked to
draw an object in nature, he has to use tools unfamiliar to him, and
a technique that he has never tried. He must break away from
his ordinary methods of work
and solve a new problem. The
result cannot be a work of art,
— except perhaps under very
unusual circumstances. Just like
the child, the would-be artist is
confronted with a task for which
he lacks technical preparation,
and many of the difficulties that
beset the child beset him also.
Hence the apparent similarity
between children's drawings and
those of primitive man. The attempt of both are made in similar
situations. A most characteristic case of this kind was told to me
by Mr. Birket-Smith. He asked an Eskimo of Iglulik to draw with
a pencil on a piece of paper a walrus hunt. The native was unable
to accomplish this task and after several attempts he took a
walrus tusk and carved the whole scene in ivory, a technique
with which he was familiar.
Fig. 59 a. Embroidery, Huichol Indians,
Mexico.
The contrast between representation for the sake of representation |
and representation as a work of art appears clearly in many cases. |
I select a few examples. The Indians of the mountains of north-
western Mexico wear beautifully embroidered or woven clothing, the
designs of which are largely based on Spanish motives. - Heraldic
patterns and isolated animal figures combined with geometrical forms
are the constituent elements (fig. 59 a). Besides these embroidered
5 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
66 - Representative art
and woven fabrics, which are of excellent workmanship, we find
small embroidered rags (fig. 59 D), which are attached to arrows and
serve the purpose of representing a prayer to a deity. A roughly
Fig. 595. Embroidery, Huichol Fig. 60. Decorated fishskin garment,
Indians, Mexico. j Amur River.
outlined figure of a child expresses a prayer for the health of the
child; that of a deer, a prayer for success in hunting. The arrows
with the attached rags are stuck into the thatched roof of a temple
where they are allowed to decay. They are not intended as works
PLATE VI.
’s Dress, Amur River.
Shaman
ee trie
UNIV. BIBL.
BERLIN.
67
Representative art
of art but only as representations that serve a temporary purpose;
hence the disregard of form and of exactness of workmanship.
Quite similar observations may be made on the clothing of the
Amur tribes. The skin clothing worn by the people, particularly on
festive occasions, is beautifully ornamented in applique, or by painting.
The ornaments are in part geometrical, in part representative. Figures
of birds and fish abound (fig. 60). On the other hand the painted
dresses of shamans are roughly executed (Plate VI). They represent
Fig. 61. Upper row, pictographs of Ojibwa Indians; lower row, of Dakota Indians.
mythological concepts and have a value solely on account of their |
meaning. The interest does not center in the form. As compared '
to wearing apparel they are crudely done, for the beauty of execu-
tion is of minor importance.
A third example is found among the North American Indians of
the Great Plains. Their representative art, in the strict sense of the
term, is almost entirely confined to a crude form of picture writing.
They have not developed a high technique of painting and the forms
of horses, men, buffaloes and tents are merely reminders of incidents
in the life of the people. The figures (fig. 61) are in no way orna-
mental and bear no relation to the object on which they are depicted.
They are made for the purpose of representation only. They are
not art in the rigid sense of the term. Judging from the character
68 Representative art
of the figures and their use we may safely say that the artistic in-
terest is entirely absent. We may even apply this observation to
the picture writing of the ancient Mexicans (fig. 62), which, as com-
pared to their sculpture, is of inferior value. The importance of
communicating ideas outweighs the artistic interest. We shall see
later on that nevertheless there
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inartistic painting (see p. 164).
Incidentally it may be re-
marked here that the difference
in interest sometimes leads to
contrasting art styles, provided
the representative work is also
executed in a perfectly control-
AIN
ZA ;
EN led technique. Thus the North-
QT m west Americans who have a
very characteristic style of art
sometimes make carvings that
are intended to deceive by their
realism. In one of their cere-
monies a person is apparently
decapitated and after the de-
capitation the head is shown
held by the hair. This head is
carved in wood and done with
Fig. 62. Mexican painting from Codex
Borbonicus.
great care in a most realistic fashion. It is entirely free of the
stylistic characteristics of Northwest coast carving and painting
(see. fig. 156, p. 195).
We revert now to a consideration of the simple, crude represen-
tative drawings. The most important inference that may be drawn
from the study of such representations, graphic as well as plastic, is
that the problem of representation is first of all solved by the use
of symbolic forms. There is no attempt at accurate delineation.
69
Representative art
Neither primitive man nor the child believes that the design or the
figure he produces is actually an accurate picture of the object to
be represented. A round knob on an elongated cylinder may re-
present head and body; two pairs of thin, straight strips of rounded
cross section, arms and legs; or
in a drawing a circle over a rect-
angle may suggest head and body;
straight lines, arms and legs;
short diverging lines at the ends
of arms and legs, hand and feet.
The break between symbolic
representation and realism may
occur in one of two ways. The
artist. may endeavor to render the /
form of the object to be repre- / JP
sented in forceful outline and
subordinate all consideration of \
detail under the concept of the
mass as a whole. He may even
discard all details and cover the
form with more or less fanciful
decoration without losing the ef-
fect of realism of the general
outline and of the distribution
of surfaces and of masses. On
the other hand, he may endeavor Fig. 63. a, Carved figure, Philippine Islands;
io give a realistic representation b, Marble figure represending harpist, Thera.
of details and his work may consist of an assembly of these,
with little regard to the form as a whole.
An excellent example of the former method is the Filipino wood
carving, fig. 63a. Head and chest show the concentration of the
artist upon the delimiting surfaces and an utter disregard of detail.
The same method is used in the figure of a harpist belonging to the
ancient art of the Cyclades (fig. 63 b).
70 Representative art
In fig. 64, an African mask, the surfaces of forehead, eyes, cheeks
and nose are the determinants of the form which has been treated
decoratively with the greatest freedom. There are no ears; the eyes
are slits with geometrical ornaments; the mouth a circle emclosing
Fig. 64. Wooden mask, Fig. 65. Carved board,
Urua, Congo. Papua Gulf, New Guinea.
a cross. In fig. 65, representing a painted carving from New Guinea,
the outline of the face, emphasized by the hair line, eyes, and mouth, is
easily recognized, but all the other parts are treated purely decoratively.
The opposite method is found, for instance, in Egyptian paintings
and reliefs in which eyes, nose, hands, and feet are shown with a
Representative art 71
fair degree of realism, but composed in ways that distort the natural
form and which are perspectively impossible (fig. 66). A still better
example is the drawing, fig. 67, an attempt of one of the best Haida
artists from Northern British Columbia to illustrate the story of an
eagle carrying away a woman. The face of the woman is evidently
intended as a three-quarter view. Facial
painting will be noticed on the left
cheek; the left ear only is shown as
seen in profile; the mouth with teeth
is placed under the nose in mixed full
profile and front view, and has been
Fig. 66. Fig. 67. Haida drawing representing eagle
Egyptian painting. carrying away a woman.
moved to the right side of the face. In the lower lip is a large
labret shown en face, for only in this view was the artist able to
show the labret with its characteristic oval surface. The nose seems
to be drawn in profile although the nostrils appear en face.
In a graphic representation of objects one of two points of view
may be taken: it may be considered as essential that all the charac-
teristic features be shown, or the object may be drawn as it appears
at any given moment. In the former case our attention is directed
primarily towards those permanent traits that are most striking and
72 Representative art
by which we recognize the object, while others that are not charac-
teristic, or. at least less characteristic, are considered as irrelevant.
In the latter case we are interested solely in the visual picture that
we receive at any given moment, and the salient features of which
attract our attention.
This method is more realistic than the other only if we claim that
the essence of realism is the reproduction of a single momentary
visual image and if the selection of what appears a salient feature
to us is given a paramount value.
In sculpture or modelling in the round these problems do not
appear in the same form. Here also attention may be directed
primarily towards the representation of the essential, and the same
principles of selection may appear that are found in graphic art, but
the arrangement of the parts does not offer the same difficulties that
are always present in graphic representation. As soon as man is
confronted with the problem of representing a three-dimensional
object on a two-dimensional surface and showing in a single, per-
manent position an object that changes its visual appearance from
time to time, he must make a choice between these two methods.
It is easily intelligible that a profile view of an animal in which only
one eye is seen and in which one whole side disappears may not
satisfy as a realistic representation. The animal has two eyes and
two sides. When it turns I see the other side; it exists and should
be part of a satisfying picture. In a front view the animal appears
foreshortened. The tail is invisible and so are the flanks; but the
animal has tail and flanks and they ought to be there. We are
confronted with the same problem in our representations of maps of
the whole world. In a map on Mercator projection, or in our
planiglobes, we distort the surface of the globe in such a way that
all parts are visible. We are interested only in showing, in a manner
as satisfactory as possible, the interrelations between the parts of the
globe. We combine in one picture aspects that could never be seen
at one glance. The same is true in orthogonal architectural drawings,
particularly when two adjoining views taken at right angles to each
Representative art 73
other, are brought into contact, Or in copies of designs in which the
scenes or designs depicted on a cylinder, a vase, or a spherical pot
are developed on a flat surface in order to show at a single glance
the interrelations of the decorative forms. In drawings of objects
for scientific study we may also sometime adopt a similar viewpoint,
and in order to elucidate important relations, draw as though we
were able to look around the corner or through the object. Different
moments are represented in. diagrams in which mechanical move-
ments are illustrated and in which, in order to explain the operation
of a device, various positions of moving parts are shown.
In primitive art both solutions have been attempted: the perspec-
tive as well as that showing the essential parts in combination. Since
the essential parts are symbols of the object, we may call this method
the symbolic one. I repeat that in the symbolic method those
features are represented that are considered as permanent and
essential, and that there is no attempt on the part of the draftsman
to confine himself to a reproduction of what he actually sees at a
given moment. :
It is easy to show that these points of view are not by any means
absent in European art. The combination of different moments in
one painting appears commonly in earlier art,— for instance when
in Michel Angelo’s painting Adam and Eve appear on one side of
the tree of knowledge in Paradise and on the other side of the tree
as being driven out by the angel. As a matter of fact, every large
canvass contains a combination of distinct views. When we direct
our eyes upon a scene we see only a small limited area distinctly,
the points farther away appear the more blurred and indistinct the
farther removed they are from the center. Nevertheless most of
the older paintings of large scenes represent all parts with equal
distinctness, as they appear to our eyes when they wander about
and take in all the different parts one by one. Rembrandt forced
the attention of the spectator upon his main figures by strong lights,
as upon the swords in the great scene of the conspiracy of Claudius
Civilis and his Batavians against the Romans, but the distant figures
74 Representalive art
are distinct in outline, although in dark colors. On the other hand,
Hodler, in his painting of a duel draws compelling attention to the
points of the swords which are painted in sharp outline while every-
thing else is the more indistinct the farther removed it is from
the point on which the interest of the artist centers.
Traits considered as permanent characteristics play a rôle even in
modern art. Until very recent times the complexion of man was
conceived as essentially permanent. At least the strong changes that
actually occur in different positions have not been painted until very
recent times. A person of fair complexion standing between a green
bush and a red brick wall has certainly a face green on one side
and red on the other, and if the sun shines on his forehead it may
be at times intensely yellow. Still we are, or at least were, not
accustomed to depict these eminently realistic traits. We rather con-
centrate our attention upon what is permanent in the individual com-
plexion as seen in ordinary diffuse daylight. We are accustomed to
see the accidental momentary lights weakened in favor of the per-
manent impression.
In primitive, symbolic representations these permanent traits appear
in the same way, sometimes strongly emphasized. It will be readily
seen that children’s drawings are essentially of the character here
described. They are not memory images, as Wundt claims, except
in so far as the symbols are remembered and reminders, but com-
positions of what to the child’s mind appears essential, perhaps also
as feasible. A person has two eyes which have their most charac-
teristic form in front view, a prominent nose which is most striking
in profile; hands with fingers which are best seen when the palms
are turned forward; feet the form of which is clear only in profile.
The body is essential and so is the clothing, hence the so-called
Rontgen pictures in which covered parts are drawn. These drawings
are a collection of symbols held together more or less satisfactorily
by a general outline, although single traits may be misplaced. The
same traits prevail commonly in primitive drawings. When Karl von
den Steinen had the South American Indians draw a white man, they
Representative art 75
placed the moustache as a characteristic symbol on the forehead,
for it sufficed to place it as a symbol on the most available space.
The Egyptian paintings with their mixture of profile and front views
and transparent objects through which hidden parts may be seen
(fig. 68) must be viewed in the same manner. They are not by any
means proof of an inability to see and draw perspectively ; they
merely show that the interest of the people centered in the full re-
presentation of the symbols.
When exceptionally great weight
is attached to the symbol, so that
it entirely outweighs the interest in
the outline, the general form may
be dwarfed and forms originate that, %
from our perspective point of view, ; 4 A
lose all semblance of realism. The
most characteristic case of this kind
is found in the art of the Northwest S
coast of America, in which the whole pego a, t a
animal form is reduced to an as-
sembly of disconnected symbols. A Fig.68. Egyptian drawings; above: bowl
beaver is adequately represented by "4 Piteher; RON EE person
a large head with two pairs of large ee ry :
incisors and a squamous tail (see pp. 186 et seq.). However, in this
case we are no longer dealing with crude representations, but with
a highly developed art. Its form proves that in its development
symbolic representation has been of fundamental importance.
The second form of representation is by means of perspective
drawing, in which the momentary visual impression regardless of
the presence or absence of characteristic symbols, is utilized. This
method is not by any means absent in the drawings of primitive man
as well as in those of children, but it is not as common as symbolic
representation. In a way most crude symbolic forms contain a per-
spective element, although it does not extend over the whole figure,
but only over parts which are more or less skilfully put together,
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Representative art
Fig. 69.
Eskimo
EM
etching on walrus tusk, Alaska.
Fig. 70. Bushman rock paintings.
Representative art 77
so that a semblance of the general outline is maintained. This is
the case in Egyptian paintings, in those of Australians and in North
American picture writing (see figs. 61, 62). In other cases the art
of perspective drawing rises to real excellence. The silhouettes of
the Eskimo may be mentioned as a case in point (fig. 69). Their
Fig. 71. Paleolithic painting representing bison.
figures are always small, scratched into ivory, antler or bone, and
filled with hachure or with black pigment. Form and pose are well-
done. Although there is generally no perspective arrangement of
groups, each figure is well executed and renders a single visual im-
pression. We find perspective of groups in the rock paintings of
South Africa (fig. 70), not perfect, but indicated by the overcutting
of figures and by the relative sizes of objects near by and of those
seen at a distance. Perspective realism of single figures is even
more fully developed in the paintings of later paleolithic man, found
in the caves of southern France and of Spain (fig. 71). Less skilful
efforts at perspective representation are not rare. On mattings from
78 Representative art
the Congo region, on basketry hats from Vancouver Island (fig. 72)
rather clumpsy attempts have been made. In those from the former
region there are animals in profile in the latter whaling scenes: men
going out in a canoe and hauling in a harpooned whale.
Much more common are carvings in wood, bone or stone, or
pottery objects that are not symbolic but true to nature. Ivory carvings
of the Eskimo, Chukchee and Koryak (fig. 73), prehistoric carvings,
pottery from North America are examples.
As stated before, a sharp line between the two methods of graphic
representation cannot be drawn. In most cases symbolic representa-
tions are at least in part perspective, either
in so far as the general form is maintained,
or as parts are shown in perspective form ;
while perspective representations may
contain symbolic elements. When the
Pueblo Indian paints the form of a deer
with a fair degree of perspective accuracy
(see fig. 142, p. 167), but adds to it a
line running from the mouth to the heart
Fig. 72. Hat of the Nootka Indians. 9$ an essential symbol of life; or when
the symbols are arranged with a fair
degree of correspondence to perspective order we have forms in
which both tendencies may be observed. Indeed, some degree of
conventional symbolism is found in every drawing or painting, the
more so, the more sketchy it is; in other words, the more the
representation is confined to salient traits. This is particularly true
in all forms of caricature.
If representative art did develop into absolute realism, stereoscopic
color photography would be the highest type of art, but this is
obviously not the case. Setting aside the emotional appeal of the
object itself, an accurate copy of a natural object, such as a glass
flower, a painted carving, an imitation of natural sounds or a pan-
tomime may attain an intense emotional appeal, they may excite our
admiration on account of the skill of execution; their artistic value
Representative art 79
will always depend upon the presence of a formal element that is
not identical with the form found in nature.
Stress must be laid upon the distinctive points of view from which
the two methods of graphic representation develop, because the
development of perspective drawing is often represented as growing
Fig. 73. Koryak carvings.
out of the cruder symbolic method. As a matter of fact the two
have distinct psychologial sources which remain active in the early,
as well as in the late history of art. Vierkandt!' designates the
various methods of representation as suggestive (andeutend), descrip-
tive (beschreibend), and perspective (anschaulich). Of these the
former two correspond to what I have called here symbolic. They
! Das Zeichnen der Naturvólker, Zeitschrift für angewandte Psychologie, Vol. 6,
(1912), pp. 347 et seq.
80 Representative art
differ only in the more or less fragmentary character of the symbols.
The perspective type does not develop from the former two as the
result of an evolution; it is based on a distinct mental attitude, the
early presence of which is manifested by the realistic, perspective
paintings of a number of primitive tribes.
The theory of a continuous development from symbolic to realistic
art is one of the numerous attempts to prove a continuous develop-
ment of cultural forms, a steady, unbroken evolution. This view-
point has had a deep influence upon the whole theory of ethnology.
Evolution, meaning the continuous change of thought and action, or
historic continuity, must be accepted unreservedly. It is otherwise,
when it is conceived as meaning the universally valid continuous
. development of one cultural form out of a preceding type, such as
the assumed development of economic forms from food gathering
through herding to agriculture. In past times these three stages were
assumed to be characteristic of all human development, until it was
recognized that there is no connection between the invention of
agriculture and the domestication of animals,—the former developed
through the occupation of woman who gathered the vegetable food
supply, the latter through the devotion of men to the chase. The
men had no occasion to become familiar with the handling of plants,
and the women had just as little opportunity of dealing with animals.
The development of agriculture and of herding can, therefore, not
possibly be derived from the same sources.
It is no less arbitrary to assume that social forms must have
developed in regular universally valid sequence, one certain stage
always being based on the same preceding one in all parts of the
world. There is no evidence that would compel us to assume that
matrilineal organizations always preceded patrilineal or bilateral ones.
On the contrary, it seems much more likely that the life of hunters
in single family units, or that of larger groups in more fertile areas
has led to entirely different results. We may expect continuous evolu-
tion only in those cases in which the social and psychological condi-
tions are continuous.
Representative art 81
After this brief excurse, let us revert to our subject. Represen-
tations become works of art only when the technique of their
manufacture is perfectly controlled, at least by a number of in-
dividuals; in other words, when they are executed by. one of the
processes, that are industrially in common
use. Where carving is practiced, we may
expect artistic form in carvings; where
painting, pottery, or metal work prevail,
artistic form is found in the products of
those industries in which the highest degree
of technical skill is attained. The Eskimo
carves in ivory, antler or bone, of which
he makes his harpoons and many other
utensils; his best representative work is
made with the knife and consists of small
carvings and etchings in which he applies
the same methods that he employs every
day. The New Zealander carves in wood,
makes delicate stonework, and paints; his
best representative work is made by these
methods. Metal work and ivory carvings
from Benin (fig. 74), headmasks from the
Cameroons (fig. 75, p. 82), wood carvings
from the Northwest coast of America (see
figs. 154—156, pp. 184, 185), pottery from
Peru, from the Yoruba country (fig. 76, p. 82),
Central America and Arkansas (fig. 77, p. 85), Fig.74. Bronze casting, Benin.
basketry of the Pima, embroideries (see
fig. 39, p. 47) and woven fabrics of the Peruvians are other examples.
Since representations that are intended to have artistic value are
made in the most highly developed technique it is not surprising
that the formal style of the technique gains an influence over the
form of the representation. The angular lines of weaving with
coarse materials and the steplike forms of diagonals which are
6 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
82 Representative art
determined by this technique impress themselves often upon repre-
sentations and become part and parcel of a local style. There
develops an intimate relation between the formal and representative
elements that brings it about that representation receives a formal
value entirely apart from its significance. The deeper the influence
Fig. 75. Headmask, Cross River, Fig. 76. Terra cotta head from
Cameroon. Ife, Yoruba country.
of the formal, decorative element upon the method of representa-
tion, the more probable it becomes that formal elements attain an
emotional value. An association between these two forms of art is
established which leads, on the one hand to the conventionalization
of representative design, on the other to the imputation of signifi-
cance into formal elements. It is quite arbitrary to assume a one-
sided development from the representative to the formal or vice
versa, or even to speak of a gradual transformation of a represen-
tative form into a conventional one, because the artistic presentation
"a
Representative art 83
itself can proceed only on the basis of the technically developed
forms. At another place we shall discuss this subject more fully
(see pp. 118 et seq.).
In all aspects of life may be observed the controlling influence of
pattern, that is of some typical form of behaviour. As we think in
a pattern of objective, material causality, primitive man thinks in a
pattern in which subjective causality is an important element. As
our personal relations to blood relatives are determined by the
pattern of our family, so the corresponding relations in other socie-
ties are governed by their social patterns. The interpretation of the
pattern may change, but its form is apt to continue over long periods.
The same stability of pattern may be observed in the art products
of man. When a definite type has once been established, it exerts
a compelling influence over new artistic attempts. When its control
continues over a long period it may happen that representations
are cast in an iron mould and that the most diverse subjects take
similar forms. It appears then as though the old pattern had been
misunderstood and new forms had developed from it. Thus, accord-
ing to Von den Steinen, the figurines on carvings from the Marquesas,
which originally represented two figures back to back, have deter-
mined the type of entirely new representations, or, as he prefers
to put it, they have been misunderstood and developed in new ways.
I do not doubt that in some cases this process of misinterpretation
occurs, but it is not the one that interests us at this place. Striking
examples of the overmastering influence of a pattern may be found
in many parts of the world. The style of the Northwest coast of
America is so rigid that all animal figures represented on plain sur-
faces are cast in the same mould (see pp. 185 et seq.); the over-
whelming frequency of the spiral in New Zealand is another example;
the interwoven animal figures of early medieval Germanic art; the
angular patterns of the North American Indians (see p. 176); all
these illustrate the same condition. In an art, the technique of which
does not admit the use of curved lines and in which decorative
patterns have developed, there is no room for curved lines, and the
84 Representative art
curved outlines of objects are broken up into angular forms. The
patterns, or as we usually say, the style, dominates the formal as
well as the representative art.
However, the style is not by any means completely determined
by the general formal tendencies which we have discussed, nor by
the relations between these elements and the decorative field, but it
depends upon many other conditions.
One more point must be discussed here. Attention has been
called to the apparent absence of purely formal elements in the art
of those tribes that are from an economical and industrial point of
view most primitive, namely the modern Bushmen of South Africa,
the Eskimo of Arctic North America, the Australians, and in remote
times, the paleolithic hunters. The statement is not quite correct,
as has already been pointed out by Vierkandt, because other tribes
that live on the. same industrial level, do not share these characteris-
tics; particularly the Veddah and the Andaman Islanders. Further-
more, it is not by any means certain that the South African rock
sculptures were made by the Bushmen. It seems fairly certain
that the best ones of those recorded were made in early times and
that the living Bushmen know little about their origin. In the South
African paintings and petroglyphs and in the art works of the other
tribes mentioned before, we find a highly developed realistic art
which exhibits an astonishing truth of perspective perception, in rest
as well as in motion. Verworn has based on this observation a
distinction of what he calls the physioplastic and ideoplastic art; the
former containing truthful, momentary visual images, the latter re-
presenting nature remodeled by thought and therefore, in a conven-
tional style.
I do not believe that the assignment of these styles to distinct
levels of culture is tenable, for physioplastic representations are not
by any means confined to the tribes of simplest economic structure,
nor, as indicated just now, are they common to all of them. We
must avoid in these matters, as well as in all other ethnic questions,
treating tribes too much as standardized units. Individual variation
Representative art 85
in physical appearance as well as in mental life is as important in
primitive society as in our own. There are artists and craftsmen
in all forms of society, as there are believers and unbelievers; there
are creative artists who rise above the level of the skilful artisan
and tradesmen who are satisfied with a slavish, though accurate
adhesion to existing patterns.
Where representative art has
fallen under the rigid control
of technique, there is little op-
portunity for the development
of a naturalistic style; where
the technique is free, there we
may also expect free forms.
This condition is realized in
two ways, namely, in those
cases in which representative
art is not enslaved by a one-
sided technique, and under
conditions in which a high
degree of freedom in the use of
a variety of technical processes
has been attained. A study of Fig. 77. Pottery head from Arkansas.
the whole range of art products
shows that where a technique is practised that gives free range to
the development of form, naturalistic forms, that is forms relatively
free of stylistic mannerisms, although sometimes of bold generaliza-
tion, occur. Carving in wood, bone, ivory or stone, and modelling
in clay are the principal arts that give this freedom which is not so
easily found in graphic representation. Therefore we find in many
cultures that are otherwise under the strict control of conventional
style, at least occasionally figures in the round that are naturalistic.
Examples are found in the art of the North Pacific Coast; in bronze
castings, wood carvings and clay figures of Africa (figs. 74—76);
in pottery of the ancient inhabitants of Arkansas (fig. 77); and in
86 Representative art
stone work from Mexico, as well as in Peruvian pottery. On the
other hand, our modern realism is based on the emancipation from
a single rigid style that controls all art production. Such freedom
is not found to the same extent in primitive art with its more limited
number of technical processes.
Another error seems to me
to underly the theory pro-
pounded by Max Verworn.
It is not only incorrect to
assume that representations
true to nature are confined
to tribes on the lowest econ-
omic and industrial level, it
can also be shown that at
least those living at the pres-
ent time have ideoplastic art
as well as physioplastic art.
This is particularly true of
the Eskimo. While they do
produce a remarkable number
of realistic carvings and etch-
ings, they also have a number
of conventional, geometric de-
signs which are of regular
Fig. 78. Ivory and bone carvings, and tattooing occurrence. Most prominent
of eastern Eskimo. among these are the alternat-
ing spurline and the sequence
of Y shaped figures (fig.78). The latter has sometimes a symbolic meaning,
just as other conventional geometric designs amongother groups of people.
With small circles at the end of the bifurcated Y it is interpreted as a
flower. Furthermore, the clothing of men and women is always decorated
with motives that indicate or emphasize the parts of the body they
cover, as the shoulderblades or the breastbone. Particularly among the
Alaskan is this conventional art ideoplastic in the meaning of Verworn.
Representative art 87
We have also shown examples of the geometric, ornamental art
of the Bushmen (fig 8, p. 23); however, we do not know whether
it has a symbolic meaning. Their ornamental art is very meagre
because they have so little that can become the subject of orna-
mentation. |
It seems more than likely that man of later paleolithic time whose
implements are quite on the same level as those of modern primi-
tive tribes, who adorned his body and who used geometrical orna-
ments on his bone implements, decorated also his clothing and other
perishable possessions of which no trace remains. If we imagine
the remains of the modern Indians of the plains, or those of
Australians exposed for thousands of years to the wet climate of
Europe, nothing would remain to give us an insight into the com-
plexity of their culture and into the existence of their symbolic, that
is, ideoplastic art.
SYMBOLISM
W° have seen that in the art of primitive people two elements
may be distinguished; a purely formal one in which enjoyment
is based on form alone, and another one in which the form is
filled with meaning. In the latter case the significance creates an
enhanced esthetic value, on account of the associative connections
of the art product or of the artistic act. Since these forms are
significant they must be representative, not necessarily representative
of tangible objects, but sometimes of more or less abstract ideas.
In our previous discussion we have also shown that representative art
may be, and generally is, strongly influenced by technical form, so much
so, that in many cases the natural prototype is not readily recognized.
It is remarkable that in the art of many tribes the world over,
ornament that appears to us as purely formal, is associated with
meanings, that it is interpreted. Karl von den Steinen found that
the geometrical patterns of the Brazilian Indians represented fish,
bats, bees, and other animals, although the triangles and diamonds
of which they consist bear no apparent relation to these animal
forms. The design on top in figure 79 represents bats, indicated by
the black triangles. The figure below it represents the uluri, a small
object of clay used by women in place of a breech clout. The
third figure represents a fish, the large scales of which are indicated
by diamonds. The fourth and ffth figures also represent fish, while
the last one is called young bees.
À number af clay dishes that were said to represent animals were
\in part characterized by distinct heads, limbs, and tails, while others
bore no resemblance to the forms that they were claimed by the
natives to represent. A general similarity of form, however, exists
between the purely conventional and the realistic forms, which
suggested to Von den Steinen the conclusion that the former devel-
oped from the latter. Later on Ehrenreich corroborated these
Symbolism 89
observations both in South and North America. A small number
of designs with names are shown in fig. 80. The diamonds in the
first figure on top, represents wasps nests and may be compared to
Fig. 79. Ornaments of the Auetó Brazil. Fig. 80. Ornaments of the Karayá.
the young bees in fig. 79. The zigzag band in the second figure, which
is symmetrically arranged and has rhythmically repeated elements of
unequal lengths, represents bats. In form these are identical with the
frigate bird of New Ireland (see fig. 101, p. 107). The third figure
from the top represents the marking on the skin of the rattlesnake,
and the remaining figures also are marks on the skin of various snakes.
90 Symbolism
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Fig. 81. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; a, snake pursuing frog;
b, man; c, dog; d—f, wild nutmeg.
W. E. Roth has recorded the significance of basketry designs of
the Indians of British Guiana. Some of these designs contain
realistic figures, but many of them are geometrical derivatives of
zigzag bands and meandric forms such as occur on coarse twined
basketry in many parts of the world. Most of these forms are
! W. E. Roth "Introductory Study of Arts, Crafts, and Customs of the Guiana
Indians" 38th Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington 1924,
pp. 354 et seq. ;
explained as animals; some
identified by their form,
others imitating the pattern
of the skin or being sug-
gestive of parts of the body.
There are also a number
of plant representations (figs.
81, 82). In some of these
the meaning of the form is
readily recognized as in the
snake pursuing a frog (fig.
81 a) or in the human form
(fig. 815). The body of the
snake is represented by a
broad meander, its head by
a triangle. To the right of
the head is the frog. Less
evident is the dog shown
in fig. 81 c. The interpreta-
tion of the designs in figs.
81 d, e and f and 82 seems
quite arbitrary. The me-
anders fig. 81 d—f represent
the wild nutmeg. In e the
vertical connecting bar of
the double T represents the
main branches, the horizontal
one the secondary branches.
Symbolism 91
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Fig. 82. Basketry patterns from British Guyana;
a, Centiped; b, Savannah grass; c—f, Periwink-
les; g, Butterflies; h—j, Snakes.
Fig 82a is called the centipede, b savanna grass, c—f periwinkles,
g butterflies, and the three designs h—j represent snakes. The square
in the pattern in the left hand lower corner of j is the head of the snake.
Ehrenreich was the first
to observe the highly developed symbol-
ism of the North American Indians and his observation gave the
impetus to the studies of
North American art which were largely
92 Symbolism
instituted by the American Museum of Natural History in New York.
His observations were made. among the Cheyenne, and on account
öf their importance, they may be quoted here;! “Representations of
heavenly phenomena are found in their highest development among
the agricultural Pueblo tribes, whose whole cult consists essentially in
Fig. 83. Designs of the Cheyenne Indians.
magic performances
intended to secure
rain.Besides this, ge-
ographical motives
are used, such as
mountains, rivers,
trails, camping sites,
which are important
to the Indians who
inhabit the endless
prairies. A typical
example is found on
the ornament taken
from a moccasin (fig.
83 a) in which a
dark blue series of
triangles represent
mountains, a light
blue stripe a river,
a red one a trail
" A second ornament,
also taken, from a
moccasin (Fig. 83 b)
shows a series of tents. Red dots in the triangular tents represent fire.
“The hoods of cradle boards are generally richly ornamented.
The design of a specimen purchased by me is of peculiar interest
on account of the representation of abstract ideas (Fig. 83c, d). As
usual, the upper surface of the hood is white, which color, in the
! Ethnologisches Notizblatt, vol. II, 1, pp. 27 et seq. (1899).
Symbolism 93
symbolism of the Indians designates the sky and life. The margin
is formed by a green line and the whole surface is divided into
three fields by two convergent blue lines. The large lateral fields
are strictly symmetrical. They contain three groups of stars repre-
sented by rectangles. The lowest line,—four red rectangles with
enclosed green centers,—represent large, bright stars; and the top
row, red without centers, are the children of the stars. It is un-
certain whether by this term the smallest stars or falling stars are
meant.
«The middle field, bounded by blue lines, represents the path
of life of the child. In this field are found peculiar green figures
which terminate above and below in T shaped ends. Théy are
diamond shaped and enclose a red and yellow checkerwork. They
designate the child's good luck or the success that he will have in
life. In this case green symbolizes growth and development; yellow,
maturity and perfection; red, blood, life and good-fortune; all of
which are related to the deities. The lower rim of the hood is
interrupted on both sides by small white and blue squares. These
are said to represent the child's age. I did not learn what was
meant by this expression. Probably the change of seasons was
meant, since the alternation of blue and white signifies the change
of winter and summer.
«The hood ends in a square flap which bears in its center a
green diamond terminating in cross bars, but smaller and simpler
than the corresponding figures of the central field. It represents
the heart. The blue lines and angles in the corners of the flap
are continued in the same way on the opposite side. They repre-
sent the unexpected events of life. Attachments on each side are
the child's ears; the short lines of beads embroidered on the back
of the flap represents the hair of the child."
Based on these results a somewhat extended study of the sym-
bolism of American Indian art was undertaken, in the course of
which A. L. Kroeber investigated the art of the Arapaho; Roland
B. Dixon, that of the Californian tribes; Clark Wissler, that of the
94 Symbolism
Sioux and Blackfeet, and H. H. St. Clair that of the Shoshone,
Later on the study was extended over other adjacent areas.
The results obtained by Kroeber indicate a close similarity between
the symbolism of the Arapaho and that of the Cheyenne. Here
also abstract ideas appear in considerable number. It will suffice
here to give a few examples. On a moccasin’ (fig 84) “the longi-
Fig. 84. Moccasin, Arapaho. Fig. 85. Knife case, Arapaho.
tudinal stripe signifies the path to destination. A small stripe at the
heel of the moccasin (not shown in the figure) signifies the opposite
idea, the place whence one has come. The variety of color in the
larger stripe represents a variety of things (which naturally are of
many different colors) that one desires to possess. The small dark-
blue rectangles are symbols that are called ‘hiiteni’2. The white
' A. L. Kroeber, The Arapho, Bulletin American Museum of Natural History,
Vol. XVIII, pp. 39, 40.
* Hiiteni is explained as meaning life, abundance, food, prosperity, temporal
blessings, desire or hope for food, prayer for abundance, or the things wished for
(A. L. Kroeber, ibid., p. 40).
Symbolism 95
border of this moccasin, on account of its color, represents snow.
The figures in it foprgscn: hills with upright trees. The stripe over
the instep signifies *up hill and down again' (its middle portion
being elevated above the ends by the instep of the foot). The dots
in this stripe represent places left bare by the melting snow." The
knife-scabbard! represented in fig 85 “has at the top a cross signifying
a person. The triangles above and below it are mountains. On the
lower part, on the middle line, are three green squares, symbols of
life or abundance. Red slanting lines pointing
towards the squares are thoughts or wishes directed
towards the desired objects, represented by the
life symbols.”
Observations among the Sioux Indians made
by Clark Wissler have given similar results.
The design on a legging (fig. 86) may serve as
an example. It represents a battle.” The dia-
mond-shaped center is here the body of a man.
The large triangles are the tents of the village in
which the battle took place. The pronged figures
represent wounds and blood; the straight lines
supporting them, the flight of arrows. The crossed Fig. 86. Legging,
lines are said to represent arrows and I ; Sioux rit
present arro nd lances
The Assiniboine, a closely related branch of the Sioux, did not
yield much information in regard to the meaning of designs, but the
few fragments collected by Robert H. Lowie? show that the prin-
ciples found among other tribes are or were not unknown to them.
The designs found on a drum illustrate this (fig. 87).
“The gray central field is itself a drum; the concentric rings
around it are rainbow symbols, and the four sets of slanting lines
1j. c. p.. 88.
? Clark Wissler, Decorative art of the Sioux Indians, Bulletin American Museum
of Natural History, Vol. XVIII, p. 253.
3 Robert H. Lowie, The Assiniboine, Anthropological Papers American Museum
of Natural History, Vol. IV, p. 26.
x Symbolism
(yellow, black and whitish) represent the sunshine. The green color
between these lines denotes clouds; the four following rings the
rainbow, and the external ring has no ascertainable meaning. On
the other side there is a star in the
center; the black circle stands for
night, the blue color at the circum-
ference for twilight, and the oblique
red, yellow and white lines for the
sunshine.”
Some Arapho designs are inter-
preted as representing geographical
features or a village in its geograph-
ical environment. In the specimen
shown in (fig. 88) *the two large tri-
angles at the end represent tents; the
center diamond two tents; between
them a white stripe with black dots
in it represents a buffalo path with
buffalo tracks in it. The four red
obtuse triangles along the sides are
mountains; small yellow triangles en-
closed by them are tents; the double
blue lines surrounding the entire
pattern represent mountain ranges.
Small rectangles in this border,
colored red and yellow, represent
lakes."
Geographical interpretations are
Fig. 87. Drum of the Assiniboine. quite common among most of the
Indian tribes of the Great Plains.
Mountains, caves, trees, streams, lakes, trails, and tents are commonly
symbolized in the angular forms of their paintings and embroideries.
As compared to these the association between abstract ideas and
geometric form is rater rare.
Mirae IT
CU
Symbolism 97
A few examples may also illustrate the explanations given by
Shoshone Indians.! The interpretations are largely geographic. In
fig. 89 the red central rectangle represents the ground, the green
background trees. On this green ground is a lake, indicated by the
blue area in the center, the yellow line dividing the central field,
is an inlet of the lake. The obtuse blue triangle on the sides of the
Amina /
SSSSSSSNS
SS
SS
SS
Ss ss zz
Fig. 88. Rawhide bag, Arapaho. Fig. 89. Design from parfleche, Shoshone.
central rectangle represents mountains with timber. The triangles
on the short sides are also mountains. The yellow apex is the sun
shining on the mountains, the red middle part of the triangle the
ground, the green area at the base, grass at the foot of the moun-
tains. In the corners we find small triangles representing sand and
over them the yellow sun light.
On a second Shoshone parfleche obtuse triangles in the central
rectangle and smaller triangles in the longitudinal borderstrips re-
present mountains, a red line in the center stands for a river, and
right-angle triangles are tipis.
! These are taken from observations by H. H. St. Clair at Wind River Reservation.
Lowie did not succeed in obtaining any explanations at the Lemhi Agency, Idaho.
7 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
IEEE
98 | Symbolism
Another Shoshone parfleche of similar pattern, was explained as
follows: a blue line enclosing an inner rectangle is a fort or
enclosure. surrounded by the enemy, represented by red and green
squares of the border. A yellow and red line passing through
the center is the pass by which the people escape.
[el
=
NS
Sr
NSS
EO C
NET z
\ RORSIIS SEIT RTS |
N| WieSoesSeSeS ose Sos] N
E
Fig. 90. Bamboo case, Fig. 91. Zuni bowl, broken and edges
Melanesia. ground down.
A consistent geographically explained ornament has also been
described by Stephan (fig. 90). The upper zig-zag line (a) repre-
sents a snake; the rectangular fields under it (b), the sea moved by
the wind. The dark corners of the rectangle (c) indicate calm on
deep water. The central field with cross hachure (d), rain on the sea
or ripples on the water. The lowest bands (e, f) and the top band
(a) do not belong to the sea picture. (e) is explained as the veins
of the cocanut leaf, (f) as a kind of grass.
In the opposite end (a) is not explained, (b) is a snake. The rest of
the design fits in with the geographical pattern, (c) being rocks beaten
by breakers.
Symbolism 99
I am indebted to Miss Ruth L. Bunzel for the following consistent
interpretation of a Zuni bowl,— part of a deep bowl the upper
part of which has been broken off. Her informant explained it as
follows (fig. 91): “We call the whole design ‘cloud all alone’. When
a person does not go to the dances when they dance for rain, after
her death she goes to the Sacred Lake and when all the spirits of
the other dead people come back
to Zuni to make rain, she can-
not go, but must wait there all
alone, like a single little cloud
left in the sky after the storm
clouds have blown over. She
just sits and waits all alone,
always looking and looking in
all directions, waiting for some-
body to come. That is why
we put eyes looking out in all
directions."
Consistent symbolic inter-
pretations have also been given
for ceremonial objects of the
Fig. 92. Ceremonial object, Huichol
Huichol Indians.! Iam. Mexico.
On a *front shield", a sacred object (fig. 92) fertility symbols
are represented by geometrical figures: *The cross in the center
represents four clouds on the horizon, the colored segments com-
pleting the inner circle represent red and blue birds (swifts) soaring
above the clouds. In the second circle are shown crosses repres-
enting red, yellow and blue corn. In the outer zone is a zigzag
line in red and blue representing Mother East-water, a Deity. Nine
triangles between head and tail of the serpent, crowded together,
represent mescal (a narcotic cactus) which is considered related to
corn and is held as a prayer for rain and for health."
1 Carl Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs American Museum
of Natural History, Vol. III, page 125, fig. 133.
100 Symbolism
Another example is a sacrificial back shield (fig. 93),* in which
the symbol (a) represents a serpent, (b) white clouds, (c) black
clouds, (d) rain, (yellow and white stripes); (e) three flowers, (f) a
squash vine, these two representing vegetation, springing up after
rain; and (g) the earth with its hills.
Similar representations are found in embroideries in woven gar-
ments, thus a zigzag line on a pouch? (fig. 94) represents lightning,
the crosses the Pleiades.
Turning to Polynesia, von den Steinen? has given us a full
description of tattooing of the Marquesans, from which it appears
that in the minds of the natives the designs have definite significance.
I mention a series of black triangles on rectangular bases, called
the Fanaua, women who died in child birth (fig. 95a); the cumulus
clouds of the northwind (fig. 955). In fig. 95 ¢ the upper row was
called by one informant, “the fellow with the step of the rooster”,
the lower one “the hero Pohu and his house”. Another informant
from another village, designated the figures with raised arms as
legendary miscarriages consisting of a chest, the low semicircular
and rectangular figures as others consisting of ribs only. Of the
two analogous figures, 95d and e, the former is called a crab, the
latter a turtle, while 95f is called the bath of the hero Kena.
We find in our civilization cases in which form or color com-
position possess symbolic significance entirely apart of their form
values. The most obvious case is that of the national flags. They
are not only ornamental, but possess a strong emotional appeal.
They call forth the feeling of national allegiance and their values
cannot be understood on a purely formal basis, but are founded
upon the association of the form with definite fields of our emotional
life. The same is true of certain symbols. In Germany, at the
* Page 146, fig. 173.
2 Carl Lumholtz, Decorative Art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs American
Museum of Natural History, Vol. III, p. 325, fig. 257.
* Karl von den Steinen, Die Marquesaner und ihre Kunst, Berlin 1925; also W. C.
Handy, Tattooing in the Marquesas, Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Bulletin 7,
Honolulu 1922.
Symbolism 101
Fig. 93. Woven ceremonial
object, Huichol Indians,
Mexico.
«
e
T1]
d
SS
Fig. 94. Design from a
pouch, Huichol Indians.
S e. fac Alam S ENT c.
NN Term me mY mI
By
sa
e P
Fig. 95. Tattooing designs, Marquesans.
present time, the swastika as the symbol
of antisemitism, and the David's star as
the Jewish symbol have very definite
political significance and are apt to excite
the most violent passions when used for
decorative purposes, — not on account
of their form, but because of the emo-
tional reaction to the ideas they represent.
Military insignia, emblems of secret societies, students’ emblems and
other regalia exert the same influence through their associations.
Owing to the strong emotional value of these patterns and the
specific character of the associations, the use of the ornament may
be restricted to special classes of objects, or reserved for privileged
classes or individuals.
Thus, among ourselves, the cross, or the
UNIV. BIBL,
102 Symbolism . BERLIN.
flag, cannot appropriately be used at all places and at all times, and
insignia of rank are confined to those who have the right to wear
them. Just so, totemic devices may be used only by the privileged,
not by those who belong to another totem. Strong emotional values
are commonly associated with all forms that are used in important
rituals. The simple ornaments of cedarbark dyed red wich are used
by the Indians of British Columbia have such an appeal, because
the ornamental attachments symbolize the gifts that the wearer has
received from his supernatural protector.
It is readily recognized that these conditions can prevail only
when the interpretation of the ornament, and with it its emotional
significance are firmly established in the minds of the people; if all
react without fail, without hesitation to the same pattern. This is
not by any means the case everywhere. On the contrary, many
cases are known in which there is considerable wavering in regard
to the meaning of the symbol. One person may interpret it one
way, another another way. For instance, in the designs of the
Californian Indians, the same form will be called by different people,
or even by the same person at different times, now a lizard’s foot,
then a mountain covered with trees, then again an owl's claw. It is
conceivable that an individual may feel a strong emotional value
of a design, but in a case of variable associations the symbol has
: no binding emotional value for the whole tribe. It will be the
less relevant the more variable the individual and tribal associations.
I believe this is also the reason why among ourselves an ex-
pressionistic art is impossible, or why at least it cannot appeal to
the people as a whole. It is possible for an artist to train a group
of followers. and admirers in the symbolism that he cultivates, but
it is exceedingly unlikely that such symbolism should develop in
such a way that it would be felt automatically by all of us. In
music a few associations of this type exist. We feel, for instance,
the difference of mood in the major and minor keys; the former
mood joyful and energetic; the latter gentle, moody or even sad.
It is well to remember that these emotional tones are not by any
Symbolism 103
means everywhere connected with these two forms, but that.in the
music of other people that have something comparable to our major
or minor, the relations may be quite different. We also feel a cer-
tain energy connected with the major key of E flat, but undoub-
tedly this is due to very specific associations that are not valid in
other cultural areas. |
Expressionistic art requires a x db daa 4 +
very firm and uniform cultural
background, such as is possessed
by many peoples of simple social EB
structure, but that cannot exist + + I vga c
in our complex society with its
manifold, intercrossing interests
and its great variety of situa- ir {+ of 4+ pe
tions that create different emo-
tional centers for each of its
numerous strata. :
It is, therefore, important to pa <>
know whether there exist firm
associations between form and Fig. 96. Patterns representing the star,
dis Arapaho. |
significance, and whether these
associations are accompanied by strong emotional reactions.
The former question may be investigated in two ways: By study-
ing the variety of forms which are used to represent the same
objects, and conversely by illustrating the variety of explanations
given to the same form. Arapho designs collected by Kroeber offer
a favourable field for this study. The range of forms interpreted
as the star (fig. 96) is based on the tendency in the art of the
Plains Indians to use triangular and quadrangular figures and narrow
lines, and on the scarcity of polygons. We find, therefore, as
representations of stars, Crosses, groups of squares, diamonds and a
cross with triangular wings. In the last quite exceptional figure of
this series the star is represented by a hexagon. In some cases
the association between the form and its meaning becomes more
104 Symbolism
intelligible through the general setting in which the design element
is found, as for instance, through the color contrast between design
and background.‘
The variety of forms which are used to represent a person may
serve as another example (fig. 97). Some of these are similar to
the forms used to represent the star.
Still another example is the representation of the butterfly (fig. 98).
In this series one of the designs representing the star will be found.
© + 1 Of m EEE 2
uy
Fig. 97. Patterns representing
persons, Arapaho.
Fig. 99. Examples of chevrons from Neu-
Mecklenburg; a, Carved bamboo; b, Em-
[7 i broidered mat. The chevron to the left on
; the bamboo represents a palm leaf, an armring
Fig. 98. Patterns representing or a worm; the same design on the mat, tracks
butterfly, Arapaho. of a crustacean.
Conversely a diamond is explained as a person, a turtle, the
navel, a mountain, a lake, a star, an eye. The setting of the design
does not by any means explain sufficiently why these varying inter-
pretations should be used.
A rectangle represents a camp circle, brush hut, a mountain, the
earth, a buffalo or life; a triangle with an enclosed rectangular or
pentagonal figure (see fig. 117, p. 120) is explained as a mountain
with trees, a cave in the mountain, a brush hut or a tent.
The second form in fig. 98 is explained as a butterfly or the
morning-star.
! See A. L. Krober “The Arapaho", Bulletin of the American Museum of
Natural History, Vol. 17.
Symbolism 105
In bead embroidery we find frequently a central design in the
form of a diamond, from the acute angles of which, extend straight
lines. To the ends of these triangular designs or other small forms
are attached. In fig. 152 (p. 178) some of these designs are shown. The
first one is taken from a pouch (j); the central diamond represents a
person, the triangular designs at the ends of the lines, buffalo hoofs.
A similar design (k) from a moccasin represents the navel and
arrows; the background is snow. In a third example (q) the cen-
tral diamond represents a turtle, the lines its claws and the small
patterns at the ends of these lines, eggs.
Another example of the variation of explanation of the same
design is found in designs from New Ireland' (fig. 99). The chevron
represents the leaf of a palm, an armring, a worm, the foot of a
bird, tracks of a crustacean, or fish bones.
The great variety of these interpretations of the same figure and
of the many forms by means of which the same ideas find expres-
sion, show clearly that the terms by which designs are described
must not be conceived simply as names, but that rather a certain
association exists between the general artistic pattern and a number
of ideas which are selected according to tribal usage, and also in
accordance with the momentary interest of the person who gives
the explanation.
Often the range of ideas associated with forms follows a fairly
definite pattern in each tribe. We may compare this condition with
attitudes which we assume in regard to forms that may have
varying types of symbolic connotation. To a Canadian, a British
flag surmounted by maple leaves would be closely associated with
patriotic feeling, and in this connection the maple leaf has a definite
significance; in other combinations it may appear with quite a
different meaning. A red maple leaf may be symbolic of the fall
of the year.
' Stephan, Neu-Mecklenburg, p. 114, fig. 120. The same figure is found in the
same author’s “Südseekunst“, p. 15, fig. 19, with somewhat different explanations,
presumably due to an oversight.
106 Symbolism
During the World War the bloody hand was used on posters
to excite the populace to hatred, because it was symbolic of the
imaginary cruelty of the German soldier and this association was
assiduously cultivated by word and letter. In another setting a bloody
hand may be a symbol of suffering or of sacrifice, as the red hand
impressed on church walls or sanctuaries.
A white rose may be a symbol of death or innocence. A crescent
may bring up a thought of Turkey, a beautiful summer night, or
it may be conceived purely as form.
.Not only is the significance of designs variable, the explanations
of forms found on the same object seem often quite incoherent.
The cases are not very numerous in which we find a clearly defined,
consistent symbolism extending over the whole pattern.
Judging from information given by Stephan in regard to paintings
and carvings from Melanesia,! the explanations, varied and incoherent
as they may be, are given without hesitation and although the same
pattern elements are not given every time the same interpretation,
the whole grouping, expressed at any given time, seems to be clear
in the mind of the person who gives the explanation.
In by far the majority of cases the interpretation appears to us as entirely
incoherent. The terms by which the same forms are designated by dif-
ferent individuals and at different times are so varied that it is difficult
to assume that we are merely dealing with names of design elements.
As a typical example of lack of relation between the symbols
composing the ornament may be mentioned an Arapho knife-
scabbard® (fig. 100). “The green lines forming a square at the top
represent rivers. The figure within is an eagle. The two larger
dark portions of this figure are also cattle-tracks. The two rows of
triangles on the body of the scabbard represent arrow-points. The
squares in the middle are boxes, and the lines between them are
the conventional morning-star cross. The small squares on the
pendant attached to the point of the scabbard are cattle-tracks.”
' Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, p. 86.
* Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 18, p. 87.
Symbolism 107
As another example I select a decorated object from New Ireland
described by Stephan. In fig. 101 (a) represents a frigate bird,
(b) fish bones, (c) buttons for strings of shell money, A
(d) men’s arms, and (e) a fish head. On a paddle
(fig. 102) the spirals represent the opercula of a snail;
the connected triangles, the wings of the frigate bird. On
other specimens the spirals represent young fern fronds.
d
e
c
b
a
Fig. 101. Fig. 102.
Embroidered knife Painted board, Decorated paddle,
sheath, Arapaho. Neu-Mecklenburg. Neu-Mecklenburg.
108 Symbolism
In the art of the North Pacific coast a definite totemic meaning
is given to conventional figures. There is no general agreement as to
their significance, but to many forms is assigned a meaning according
to the totemic affiliation of the owner for whom it thus attains a
value based on its meaning. Explanations of a blanket design (fig.
103) obtained by G. T. Emmons and John R. Swanton, may serve
as an example. According to Emmons the design represents a whale
ie Eten ER Lo
- ——
M
CUT
an -
on) oA
Fig. 103. Blanket of mountain goat wool, Tlingit, Alaska.
diving, in the lateral fields are ravens sitting. The head with nostrils
and mouth is shown below. The central face represents the body,
the inverted eyes along the upper border, the tail. According to
Swanton the design represents a wolf with young. The head is
shown below. The hind legs and hip-joints are represented by the
two large inverted eyes and the adjoining ornament along the upper
border. The two dark segments just above the eyes are explained
as the feet. The face in the middle of the design represents, as
usual, the body of the animal. The small eye designs, with adjoining
ear and wing-feathers, in the middle on each side of the body, are
interpreted as forelegs and feet. The designs in the lateral pannels
are explained as young wolves sitting.
Symbolism 109
It seems likely that wherever varied interpretations of the same
form, or. of closely allied forms occur within the same social unit,
conditions of this kind prevail.
We have no information whatever that would enable us to decide
whether the ideas expressed are entirely incoherent. It is con-
ceivable that there may be associations that are unknown to us and
that create a greater unity than appears on the surface. I am under
SSSR opo. — Mau
E AS AS LAS EY
a b e
S QN RS u
d e f
Fig. 104. Basketry patterns of the Pomo Indians, California.
the impression that connected with the interpretation there exists a
certain emotional tone that may be weak, but that is, nevertheless,
not negligible in the esthetic effect of the whole object.
It would seem that in a considerable number of cases ornamental
patterns have definite names that are always applied, no matter
in what combination the design may occur. Many Californian
basketry patterns are of this kind. Barrett! gives the names of
decorative patterns used by the Pomo Indians, from which I select
a few as an illustration (fig. 104). The northern and eastern Pomo
call fig. 104 a, b butterflies; the central Pomo call them arrow-
heads; the designation for c is sharp arrow-heads. The northern
Pomo call d, pointed broad band, deer back, or darts for a game;
1S. A. Barrett, ~Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. of California Publications in Am.
Arch. and Ethn. Vol. VII, No. 3.
110 Symbolism
the central Pomo call them crow-foot or crow-track; the eastern
Pomo, zigzag or marks of the east. The design e is called quail-
plumes; f and A, by the northern Pomo, “sharp points and in the
middle striped water snake"; the central Pomo call them “similar
WA rE
bist REET
428
op Sa DW
AAO
KA
LR ROR FOF
yer I
Fig. 105. Drawn work, Mexico.
to slender arrow heads”, and the ‘single triangles, turtle-neck. The
eastern Pomo call the designs butterfly and “in the middle (gaya)
striped water snake”. The design g is called by the northern Pomo,
empty spaces and quail tip patterns; by the eastern Pomo, butterfly
and quail plumes; i by the central Pomo quail plumes arrowhead.
This usage corresponds to our terms when we speak, for instance,
of the *egg and dart" design. Among the Shetland Islanders patterns
Symbolism 111
on knit stockings are called *flowers", flowers serving as a synonym
for pattern. The drawn work of Mexico bears also names. Here
we find names as for instance, *Little Jesus*, *Beehive" (a) (fig. 105),
«Partridge’s Eye” (b), “Tomato Seed and Peel” (c) liana (d),
“Spider Net" (e). The same is true of the embroidery of Paraguay.?
Named designs among more primitive people are particularly
common in Africa, where, according to all investigators, the complex
designs are conceived as compounds of single elements which bear names.
Czekanowski? says in discussing the ornaments found in Ruanda
(fig. 106): *On account
of the simplicity of the
Ruanda ornament its A © = < Ra "EN
elements are easily e b € d e 7 J
determined. We shall NN
enumerate them here md i. Es. Z
according to their nam-
es: quiver (a); shield
(b); millet (c); knife (d); din O O © { AN
IN 7 Oo P
arrowhead (e); kindly
person (f); ferrule of Fig. 106. Designs of the Ruanda.
a spear (g); wings of a
swallow (A); large tail (Z, j); arrows (k). The three last patterns may be
considered as compound forms. The pentagon occupies an exceptional
position. All these elements consist of straight lines. Curves occur as
segments, crescents, spirals and circles. Wide-lined circles are called
arm rings (77); narrow ones, bracelets (1)." The general ornamentation
consists of horizontal rows of black triangles or diamonds on a plain
background or a white triangle on a black background. The arrowhead
design (e) appears in long rows, the point of one head touching the
! Journal American Folk-Lore Vol. 33, 1920, pp. 73 et seq.
? E. Roquette-Pinto, On the Nandutí of Paraguay. Proceedings of the Con-
gress of Americanists, Gotenburg, 1925, pp. 103 et seq.
? Jan Czekanowski, Wissenschafiliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika
Expedition, 1907—1908, Vol. VI, Part 1. pp. 329 et seq.
112 Symbolism
notch of the other. Zigzag bands in diagonal or vertical rows of
the pattern £ and j occur also. The characteristic point seems to
be that only the elements of the whole pattern bear names.
I infer from Tessmann's! description that among the Pangwe of
West Africa also the single pattern elements bear names while the
multifarious combinations lack explanations such as we find in
America or in Melanesia. In fig. 107 patterns in woodcarving are
represented which are
named as follows: (a)
Sse X | file; (b) string of cowrie
M) 4 i
xy AEP shells; (c, d) triangular
[4
XXX]
RRR
3 s * leaf used for feathering
A arrows for the cross bow
/ AN (triangle with wide base);
point of iron money,
spear point (triangle with
narrow base); (e) tail of
armadillo; (f) kerf; (g)
UAE PS bei
spider net.
Of the Bushongo Tor-
day?saysthatthe nomen-
clature is not certain (p. 216). *The Bushongo do not consider the
design as a whole, but they divide it into various elementary pat-
terns. They take one of these elements as characteristic of the whole
figure and call the whole design by this term. The motives obtained
by interrupting woven patterns? at regular intervals are built up of
' Günter Tessmann, Die Pangwe, Berlin 1913, Vol. 1, p. 243 et seq.
* E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes etnographiques sur les peuples communé-
ment appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant
les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II, number 1, Brussels, 1910, pp. 217, 219.
* i. e. the element consisting of a single warp strand showing between two
woof strands and the adjoining similar elements, formed in simple up and down
weaving.
Fig. 107. Designs of the Pangwe.
Symbolism 113
small details which are found variously combined in other motives.
Therefore, owing to the analytical mind of the natives, the curious
phenomenon results that the same name may be given to two de-
signs, apparently quite dissimilar, at least so far as the general im-
pression is concerned, and that the natives of opposite sex will
give to the same design dif-
ferent names because either N ON) Q 4
considers a particular element A 69 N? AN
as the principal part.” The
closely related patterns fig. a b c d
108 b and d are derived from
interwoven strands (fig. 108 a).
The form b is called imbolo
(interwoven?); c is called the
xylophone and d the foot of -
Matarma. The Bangayo call
the same pattern in carving I5
(e, f) back and head of the
python. The patterns 108 g,
h are called the knee and i
the knot.
The significance of primitive ER
ornament has also been studied ;
in another way. In a number
of cases it has been shown that
series can be arranged in which we may place at one end a realistic
representation of an object. By degrees we may pass to more and
more conventional forms that show each a distinct similarity to
the preceding one, but end in a purely conventional, geometric
design in which the initial stage can hardly, if at all, be recognized.
I believe the first to discover this phenomenon was Frederic
Ward Putnam, who described the development, as he called it, of
the hollow, slit feet of Chiriquian (Costa Rican) pottery from a
8 — Kulturforsknlng. B. VIII.
Fig. 108. Designs of the Bushongo.
(fig. 110) discussed the relations of human figures and geometrical
114 Symbolism
fish form to a purely conventional design (fig. 109). He was fol-
lowed by others who made studies of similar transitions in other
parts of the world. William H. Holmes described the so-called
Fig. 109. Feet of pottery dishes, Chiriqui, Costa Rica.
alligator vases of Chiriqui, showing the relations between the alligator
design .and curious irregular painted forms (see fig. 129, p. 137).
Hjalmar Stolpe, and about the same time, Charles H. Read
115
Symbolism
Bro
CO
5
U
3s
203^
SN
FO
3
i
Fig. 110. Polynesian ornaments.
designs in Polynesian ornaments; Haddon studied the so-called
crocodile arrows (fig. 111) and the frigate bird (fig. 112) designs of
New Guinea in their gradual transition from fairly realistic forms in
which the crocodile and the bird are easily recognized, to geometrical
types in which the prototype is entirely obscured. Similar relations are
Cs
x
SONS T
Crocodile arrows, New Guinea.
Fig. 111.
116 Symbolism
found in the facial urns of prehistoric times, (fig. 113) in some of
which we find a perfectly plain and distinct face, while in others
there are only a few knobs that, on account of their position, recall
Fig. 112. Designs representing frigate
bird and crocodile.
the face. George Grant MacCurdy
takes us back to Chiriqui where
he collected from museum collec-
tions series of types beginning with
the form of the armadillo and
ending with small decorative points
(fig. 114). Von den Steinen forms
out similar phenomena in the
tattooings of the Marquesans.
In a few cases the striking
similarity of the patterns which
contradicts the diversity of names
suggests an historical relation be-
tween the forms. This is the case,
for instance, with the Bushongo
antelope and beetle patterns (fig.
115). The resemblance between
the realistic antelope head (a) and
beetle design (d) is evident. It is,
however, not necessary to assume
a transition from the antelope to
the beetle design, but the question
has to be answered in how far the
stylistic form may have moulded
the two representations in the same
form or, on the other hand, why an
ornamental form may have outlines that, on the one hand, express
an antelope's head and, on the other hand, the body of a beetle. !
* E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes ethnographiques sur les peuples commu-
nément appelés Bakuba, etc. Les Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques con-
cernant les populations du Congo Belge, Vol. II, number 1, Brussels, 1910, p. 212.
117
| Symbolism
Chiriqui.
3
Fig. 114. Armadillo designs
Fig. 113. Facial urns.
Fig. 115. Designs of the Bushongo representing
the head of the antelope and the beetle.
118 Symbolism
Here arises the important problem whether we are to assume
that all these forms are developments . from realism to convention-
alism, as has often been assumed, or whether the converse pro-
cess may not also have occurred, namely that a geometrical design
existed and that a gradual development towards a realistic form
took place, that a meaning was read into the geometric pattern and
that in this way the significant forms originated. Unfortunately
historical evidence is hardly ever available and we are compelled
to rely upon indirect evidence. We cannot follow the excellent
example set by Riegl in his detailed study of the history of the
introduction of curved lines in Mediterranean art.
However, we can apply the geographical method, the only one
that has made it possible to unravel part of the historical develop-
ment of people that do not possess written records, and for cul-
tures the development of which cannot be traced by archaeological
evidence. It is possible to establish with a high degree of proba-
bility the relationship of cultural forms and their gradual spread by
means of a study of the distribution of ethnic phenomena and their
variations in the sections of the area in which they are found. This
method is strictly analogous to the one applied by biologists in their
studies of the gradual distribution of plants and animals.
In our case we must try to trace the distribution of designs to-
gether with the interpretations given to them by different tribes.
If we should find consistent interpretations of the same form over
‘large areas, perhaps even more realistic forms in a central district,
more conventional ones in outlying parts of the country, but in all
of them the same interpretation, we should have to consider this as
plausible evidence of an origin of the conventional types from a
realistic representation. If, on the other hand, it should be found
that in the whole area realistic forms and conventional forms were
irregularly distributed and that furthermore the meanings of identical
or similar forms did not agree, then the origin of conventional
forms from realistic ones would seem to be quite unlikely. Then we
should have to assume one oftwo possibilities ; either the form must have
Symbolism 119
spread gradually over the whole area and must have been given a
meaning independently by each people, — in other words the
meaning must have been read into the pattern, — or it may have
been that a dominating style has forced a diversity of realistic re-
presentations into the same geometric patterns.
In the latter case we should have to consider the processes by
which realistic forms should gradually change into unrecognizable
conventional ones; in the former the processes by which from a
conventional form a representative one
develops.
That both ways are possible is easily
shown. When the Plains Indians represent
a buffalo in a stiff angular form, like a hide
spread out provided with legs, head and
tail (fig. 116); and if also a rectangle with-
out these attachments is called a' buffalo, it
may be as well the buffalo hide that has
been abbreviated, so to speak, as that the Fig.116. Design represent-
hide has been read into the rectangle. The ing the buffalo, Arapaho.
process of reading in is not at all unfamiliar
to us. We see realistic forms in the shapes of mountains and clouds
and in marks on rocks, and we enjoy the play of fancy that endows
natural forms with new meanings. There is no reason to doubt that
the same tendency prevails ámong primitive peoples. Koch-Grünberg's!
observations among the natives of South America prove this point.
He tells us that the Indians, when camping at a portage and waiting
for the rivers to become navigable, take up accidental marks on the
rocks and by pecking develop them into forms suggested by the
natural outlines, or that they take up the lines left by a preceding
party who amüsed themselves in the same way and whose play was
interrupted when they were able to resume their journey. We have
also ample evidence to show that curiously formed rocks are not
only compared with animate beings, but that they are actually
1 Th. Koch-Grünberg, Südamerikanische Felszeichnungen. Berlin, 1907.
120 Symbolism
considered as men or beasts transformed into stone. Thus the
Pueblo Indians tell in their migration legend that a person or an
animal became tired on account of the fatigue of the long travel,
sat down and was transformed into stone. The forms of a hawk,
man, bear, and of a woman car-
rying a basket are still pointed
out. On Vancouver Island are
shown the tracks of the culture
hero, where he stepped on a
rock. In the interior of British
Columbia a large boulder is
; said to be Coyote's basket. !
m d Ah. A [ shall illustrate this point
by the discussion of a design
found widely spread among the
* $ Indians of North America.
bes 36363 CF 50 Their decorative art is charac-
terized by the use of straight
© t i ) lines, triangles and réctangles
(GSP 2 that appear in manifold combi-
nations. One of the most
/ JANINE RN n » ry
ARPT | | typical forms is that of an
IND) (ER) isosteles‘triangle with enclosed
À, rectangle, sometimes provided
with spurs at the base (fig 117).
Fig.117. Designs of North American Indians;
the first nine Arapaho, the next six Eastern This design is found in an
Algonquin; the last line; first Hopi; then extended area. It occurs most
archaeological specimens, Pueblo region. frequently on the great plains
but also on part of the western
plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians (fig. 118). To the west it is
found among the tribes of the woodlands and certain peculiar patterns
of New England and the interior of Labrador are strongly reminiscent
! James A. Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Publications of
the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, Pl. 19.
Symbolism 121
of it. The stylistic similarity, or better, identity of the pattern on
the plains is so great that it cannot possibly have developed from
several independant sources. It is part and parcel of the general art
style of the area that has developed either in one spot, or what
seems more probable, by the conflux of artistic activities of a num-
ber of tribes. Thirty or forty years ago, under the strong influ-
ence of the evolutionary theory, the psychologising ethnologist might
have interpreted this similarity as due to the sameness of the reac-
tion of the human mind to the
same or similar environmental
causes, — as Daniel G. Brinton
explained the similarity of Algon-
quin and Iroquois mythologies.
However, the development of our
science since that time has so
firmly established the fact that
even the most primitive cultures
must be considered as having had
a historical development no less Fig. 118. Triangular design, prehistoric
complex than that of civilization, Pueblo.
that the theory of independent
origin of almost identical phenomena in contiguous areas can no
longer be maintained and has been given up by all serious students.
When we study the significance of the pattern we find the
greatest possible divergence of meaning. As pointed out before,
different individuals in one tribe, do not all assign to it the same
meaning, but more or less decided tendencies to certain interpre-
tations are found in each tribe. The design is sometimes drawn
steeply and the sides of the triangle extend slightly beyond the
apex. Thus the form of a tent with tent poles, doorway and pegs
for pinning down the tent cover is expressed. At other times the
triangle is more obtuse and represents a hill. It may be placed on
a white background which signifies snow or sand; blue lines ex-
tending downward from the base indicate springs of water and
122 Symbolism
small triangles may be placed in the inner triangle. Thus it be-
comes the mythical mountain in which, at the beginning of time,
the buffaloes were kept and which is located on a snowcovered
plain. On the slopes of the mountain grow trees. Again, quite
different, is the interpretation given by the Pueblo Indians. In
their arid country the greatest need is rain without which their
crops wither and starvation stares at the people. The communal
life centers around the idea of fertility to be attained by an abun-
dance of rain. Accordingly they interpret the symbol as a cloud
from which the rain falls. Since their art is far less angular in
style than that of the Plains Indians, they often substitute a semicircle
for the triangle and attain a greater realistic resemblance to clouds
by superimposing three of these semicircles, from which flow down
the rain lines. When we turn to the western plateaus, we find
among thc Shoshone the regular design of the obtuse triangle ap-
plied and explained on the basis of geographical features; itsuggests to
them montain-passes and a fort protected by palisades. Further to the
north we do not find the enclosed rectangle, but the triangle and
the spurs at the base persist. These are explained as paws of a
bear, the triangle being the sole of the foot, the spurs the claws.
In the eastern woodlands new developments occur. The triangle
now is exceedingly narrow, so that there is no room for the en-
closed rectangle which is reduced to a triangle. The sides of the
triangle are produced beyond the apex, even more so than among
the Sioux Indians, and a considerable number of almost straight
vertical lines are added to the sides. The form bears now a cer-
tain resemblance to a fish tail and is so interpreted. Still more
curious are the developments in New England. The triangle and
the enclosed rectangle are still unmistakably present, although curved
lines, characteristic of eastern American art, are added on. The in-
terpretation has changed again. The pattern is a symbol of the
town or of the tribe and its chief.
Among none of these tribes do we find any indication of the
existence of more realistic forms from which the conventional tri-
Symbolism 123
angle might have been derived. The realistic forms of the western
tribes are almost exclusively crudely pictographic and no transition
from the pictograph to ornamental, geometric patterns can be traced.
The realistic forms of the eastern tribes are found particularly in
mattings and weaving. These also show no relation to the triangular
forms that we are discussing. The theory that the pattern has
developed under the stress of a compelling style that cast a variety
of realistic forms into the same mould does not find support in the
facts, because transitional forms are lacking. We conclude, therefore,
that the sameness of form and the difference of meaning are not
due to a geometrisation of realistic forms but to a reading in of
significance into old conventional patterns. This view is corroborated
by the prevailing uncertainty in regard to many of the meanings.
The Blackfeet, according to Clark Wissler,! have practically no feel-
ing whatever for the significance of these designs. The Arapaho
behave somewhat differently on different occasions. Ceremonial
paraphernalia may have fairly definite meaning, while clothing, bags
and other objects are given interpretations that are quite subjective
and which show therefore great individual differences.
The importance of the social position, or perhaps better, of the
social interests of the owner of an object, in determining the mean-
ing of ornaments has been demonstrated most clearly among the
Sioux Indians. In former times their ornamentation was made in
porcupine quill embroidery, but at present beads have taken place
of the quills; Men and women use to a considerable extent. the
same ornamental designs, but with distinctive meaning. A diamond-
shaped pattern with attached double triangular appendages, when
found on a cradle, or a woman's legging, is interpreted as a turtle,
the turtle being a symbol closely associated with birth and maturity
of the woman. When found on a man’s legging it represents a
slain enemy.?
1 Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 18, p. 276.
? Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat.
Hist, Vol. 18, pp. 253, 273.
124 : Symbolism
I will mention one more case in which the actual process of
reading in has been observed. ' At one time, when I visited British
Columbia, I purchased .a woven bag from an elderly woman. It
was decorated with a series of diamonds and small embroidered
cross-like figures. Upon inquiry I learned that the bag had
been purchased from a neighboring tribe and that the new owner
did not know anything about the original significance of the pattern,—
if such a significance existed which is doubtful, because the tribe in
.question is not given to interpretations. It appeared to the new
owner that the diamonds looked like a series of lakes connected by
a river. The different colors of the diamonds appeared to her to
suggest the colors of the lakes; — a green border, the vegetation
of the shore, a yellow area inside the shallow water, and a blue
center the deep water. The interpretation did not seem to her
sufficiently clear, and in order to emphasize it she added, in
embroidery, figures of birds flying towards the lakes. Thus she gave
greater realism to her conception and made it more intelligible to
her friends (Plate VII). :
The needle cases of the Alaskan Eskimo offer an excellent example
of an elaboration of geometrical into realistic forms. It must be
remembered that all the Eskimo tribes, east and west, are very fond
of carving and that they produce many small animal figures that
serve no practical purpose but which are made for the pleasure of
artistic creation, and that many of their small implements are given
animal forms. The mind of the worker in ivory is imbued with the
idea of animal representation. The Alaskan needle cases have a
stereotyped form to which the bulk of the specimens conform (fig. 119).
The type consists of a tube slightly bulging in the middle, with flanges
at the upper end, with lateral knobs under the flanges on opposite
sides. On the body of the tubing, between the flanges, is a long
narrow concave face, set off from the flanges and the body of the
tube by parallel lines with small forks at the lower ends. Lines
border the sides and ends of the flanges and the upper end of the
concave face, and an alternate-spur band is found at the lower end
'"Iquin[o) usHHg 'uonod us40/N
‘IA dLVTId
UNIV. BIBL,
BERLIN.
Symbolism 125
of the tube. This type is presumably related to the ancient type of
needle case from Hudson Bay, which is characterized by a tubular
form, flanges at the upper end and a pair of large wings in the
middle part of the tube. These, I believe are the prototypes of the
small knobs at the sides of the Alaskan type. These are sometimes
so small that they can hardly be seen, although they may be felt
when the fingers glide lightly over the surface of the tube. However
this may be, the majority of Alaskan specimens are of the type
here described. The
variations in geometrical
form are very slight.!
In a number of cases
part of the needle case
or the whole object is
elaborated in represen-
tative forms. In a few
"specimens the knobs
have been given the =
form of seal heads. A a b i d e
slight enlargement, and Fig. 119. Alaskan needle cases.
the addition of eyes and
mouth are sufficient to bring about this effect (fig. 119 c). In other cases
the flanges have been developed into walrus heads (fig. 119 d) or into
other animal forms that fit the form of the flange (fig. 119e). By adding
a point for the eye and by cutting out the inner part of the flange
the outer form is essentially preserved and the form of the bulky
walrus head with its large tusks is successfully attained; or the walrus
motive may be repeated so that the original form of the needle case
is considerably obscured. By adding a seal's head at the lower end
the lower part of the object receives more or less the form of a seal.
It is important to note that in all specimens of this type the double
1 See Franz Boas, Decorative Designs on Alaskan Needlecases, Proceedings of
the United States National Museum, Volume XXXIV, (1908) pages 321—344,
Washington, D. C.
126 Symbolism
spur ornament persists, although it interferes with the seal’s head
that is often added at the lower end. It seems very unlikely that
the many animal forms attached to the needlecases were the primary
forms from which the geometrical form developed. On the contrary,
the wide distribution and the great frequency of the geometrical
forms, their agreement with Eskimo
geometrical style and the occur-
rence of this geometric style on
specimens that do not imitate
animal forms are entirely in favor
of the assumption that the earlier
form is geometrical, whatever the
origin of the flanges and knobs
may have been. Presumably the
habit of carving animal forms has
induced the artist to produce the
variants described here.
Equally interesting are the reels
used by the Alaskan Eskimo.
2—FI Their prototype is a piece of
caribou antler cut as shown in
Fig. 120. Reels of Alaskan Eskimo. fig. 120. This, however has been
developed into animal forms.
One specimen has a geometrical decoration on the body, while
three of the ends are elaborated as animal heads. In another one
the two prongs on one side are given the form of seal heads
which are connected by a long line with the flippers which are
shown on the opposite side. Still another specimen has been
treated like a much distorted form of a wolf. The head is at the
prong of one end, the forelegs at the other prong of the same end;
the two hind legs are carved on the two prongs at the opposite end.
Similar observations may be made on arrow shaft straighteners
and snow knives of the Alaskan Eskimo.!
* E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, Annual Report Bureau of
American Ethnology, Volume XVIII, pl. 40, 48, 94.
Symbolism 127
The examples which I have given demonstrate beyond cavi] that the
process of reading in exists and accounts for the significance of many
geometrical forms; that it is not necessary to assume in each and
every case that geometrical ornament is derived from realistic represen-
NN VI
IN
Fig. 121. Eye shades and vessel, Ammassalik.
tations. Hjalmar Stolpe to whose researches on primitive art we
owe so much had an exaggerated opinion of the importance of rea-
listic designs, for he believed that every geometric form must have
been derived from a representation. Stephan expresses the same
opinion. 1 may perhaps illustrate Stolpe’s point of view by one
example. Among the Eskimo of East Greenland is found an eye-
shade decoration consisting of notched pieces of ivory placed side
by side. Stolpe explained this form as a derivation from carvings
representing seals, abbreviated due to the rhythmic repetition of the
seal design (fig. 121). However, we know that the Eskimo when
128 Symbolism
‚making small blocks of ivory, such as are used for the manufacture
of toggles or other similar objects, cut the walrus tusk just in this
manner, so that through a technical process they have. become familiar
with the ornamental form. Therefore it is not indispensable to
assume a realistic origin for the design.
It is interesting to compare the process with which we are dealing
with other ethnic phenomena of similar import. The essential con-
clusion drawn from our observations is that the same form may be
given different meanings, that the form is constant, the interpreta-
tion variable, not only tribally but also individually. It can be shown
that this tendency is not by any means confined to art, but that it
is present also in mythology and in ceremonialism, that in these
also the outer form remains, while the accompanying interpretations
are widely different. In the case of mythology we may observe that
in the same way as patterns have a wide distribution, so also motives
of myths, or even whole plots are found over extended areas. For
example, the well-known tale of the magic flight, which is one of
the most widely distributed fairy tales, occurs in a number of North
American localities. Among the Eskimo it is given as accounting
for the origin of fog; in British Columbia it is made to account for
the origin of certain cannibalistic ceremonials. Another example is
the so-called star husband story, a tale of two girls who were taken
up to the sky by the stars. The story is widely spread and is told
as the explanation of a great variety of phenomena. The child of
one of the women becomes the culture hero and destroys the mons-
ters infesting the world. Customs, ceremonials, and prerogatives of
clans are explained by this tale, in accordance with the chief interests
of the tribes concerned. The nature myths collected from all parts
of the world by Dàhnhardt' are full of examples of this kind: the
most diverse features are explained by the same tales. This shows
that it is quite untenable to assume that the tales developed through
the immediate effect of viewing natural phenomena, that much rather
the tales preexisted and the explanatory part was tacked on at a
* Oskar Dühnhardt, Natursagen, Vol. 4. Leipzig 1912.
Symbolism | 129
later time, precisely as the art forms preexisted and their meaning
was tacked on according to the peculiar mental disposition of the
individual or the tribe.
The same observation has been made in regard to ceremonials.
The so-called sun dance is performed by almost all the tribes of
the great plains. The general run of tbe ceremonial is essentially
the same everywhere, although different tribes have added on special
characteristic details. The meaning, on the other hand, presents far
greater variations. In one case the performance is made in fulfilment
of a vow made when supernatural aid is invoked in time of distress;
in another case it is undertaken to purchase the right of ownership
in a sacred bundle, and then again it is a tribal, seasonal ceremonial.!
These three examples illustrate that the psychological explanation of
a custom and its historical development are not by any means the
same; on the contrary, owing to secondary interpretations that in
course of time set in and the general character of which depends upon
the cultural interest of the people, the psychological explanation is
much more likely to be quite independent of the actual historical
happenings. The mere fact that a tribe explains forms according to
a certain pattern does not prove, that they have developed from
actual representations of the objects they now represent.
It might perhaps be admitted that in the special case of the North
American triangle which we have discussed the argument is con-
vincing because no transitional forms exist, that, however, when an
almost continuous series of forms is found, beginning with the most
realistic and ending with a purely geometrical one, the conclusion
cannot be avoided that the development has been in the direction
from realism to conventionalism. I have already indicated that as
long as there is no historic proof, the sequence might as well be
reversed. In all the cases that have been described and that are
based on direct inquiry among primitive people regarding the meaning
of designs, realistic and conventional forms have been found to occur
! Leslie Spier, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural
History, Vol. XVI, (1921), pp. 457 et seq.
9 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
130 Symbolism
at the same time. It would therefore be necessary to give a reason
why some excellent artists should use the one style, others, equally
good ones the other; or why even the same artist should combine
the two styles.
It is generally claimed that slovenly execution brings about de-
terioration of pattern and through this, causes misunderstandings. I
do not consider this explanation as tenable under the conditions of
life prevailing among primitive people, because there is no slovenly
execution among natives who make utensils for their own use. The
pottery and paintings of the South American Indians, observed by
Von den Steinen, the crocodile arrows of New Guinea, the frigate
bird carvings, are all carefully made. We find often that people
wil use inferior wares for exchange with neighboring tribes, while
they keep the good material for themselves. The natives of Vancouver
Island for instance, adulterate with elderberries berry cakes that are
made for trade, while those made for home consumption are made
of the more valuable berries, such as blueberries or salmonberries
without the addition of other material of inferior value. This ten-
dency, particularly when combined with the desire to manufacture
quickly large masses of material, leads to poor work. The question
then arises, what happens in cases of this kind. Does slovenly work
lead to misunderstandings and to conventionalism? Balfour has
tried to make the process clear. He let an individual copy a design
and used the first reproduction as original for a second copy. By
continuing in this way he received the most astonishing transforma-
tions. Such results may occur when work executed in a highly
developed technique is imitated by people of lesser accomplishments.
The standard example is that of the degeneration of Greek coins
when copied by Keltic imitators! which led to a complete disruption
of the original design. However, this example is not to the point,
because we are ordinarily not dealing with copies of designs borrowed
from people of higher technical development, but with those belonging
to a single tribe.
' See Max Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. 6, pp. 301 et seq.
Symbolism 131
I have had occasion to observe the effect of factory production
and of slovenly execution in some Mexican material. In western
Mexico dishes are made of tree calabashes which are covered with
an orange laquer. By the lost-color process these are overlaid with
designs in green laquer. The industry is probably of Spanish origin.
Old specimens made of wood are of excellent workmanship. These
‘are decorated mostly with animal forms, deer, fish, and so on. At
present the work is of much poorer execution and the ware is sold
in market places, as in Oaxaca (fig. 122). On some specimens the
fish designs of ancient type are still used, but we find also, even
Fig. 122. Designs from vessels made of tree calabashes, Oxaca.
more frequently, leaf patterns and we may here apparently observe
just that kind of misunderstanding described by Balfour. The gill
region becomes the base of the leaf. The head of the fish corre-
sponds to the base of the leaf; the fins to the marginal indentations,
and the ribs of the fish to the veins of the leaf. Since both the
fish and the leaf occur in modern types it may be doubted whether
we are dealing with an actual transformation, with a real misunder-
standing. It might be as well that the psychological process involved
has been rather the substitution of new subject matter for the old,
in which process the new subject was rigidly controlled by the old,
stereotyped form. We shall see that conditions of this kind are
often very potent.
Another good example is the pottery made for sale by the ancient
inhabitants of the Valley of Mexico. Pottery was made here in great
132 Symbolism
masses and, as described by Sahagun,! sold in the market places,
The vessels show plainly the effect of factory production and of the
resultant slurring. The Aztec pottery is fundamentally of uniform
type. In Culhuacan, a small village at the foot of the Sierra de la
Estrella, a coarse kind of this ware was made. Great masses
Fig. 123. Fragments of pottery Fig. 124. Designs from pottery
vessels, Texcoco. vessels, Culhuacan.
of potsherds are found in the swampy soil which was used in
early times as garden beds. The pottery is thick, dark orange,
painted black. It is a pronounced local form, darker than the light
ware of Texcoco (fig. 123); the painted lines are broad and coarse,
while those of Texcoco are very delicate. The patterns are fixed,
but the rapidity of manufacture has developed a definite style, analog-
ous to the styles of handwriting. Each painter had his own method
! Bernardino de Sahagun, Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España, ed.
C. M. de Bustamente, México, 1830, Vol. 3, p. 56.
Symbolism 133
of handling the brush, with the result that his individuality may
easily be recognized.! I select a few examples here in order to show
the effect of slurring upon design. It is essential to note that on
the same specimen the lines are always drawn in the same way;
that is, that the hand of the painter followed very definite motor habits.
One of the simplest designs is instructive in regard to the effect
of slurring and the development of individual style. |, semen
One of the decorative elements consists of a series zes
of S shaped, interlocking figures (fig. 124). It will =—
be noticed that, in fig. 124 b the lines which seem Ee
to have developed from the S shaped forms, are s
degenerating into simple curves, while in c the lines
are drawn more carefully. Fig. 124 d represents the A
decoration from the outer side of a vessel and here , ut
the S shaped curves have been carefully connected ono
and are developing into a new pattern. Oo
Another simple pattern which illustrates the effect NN
of rapid production consists of a regular repetition
of a curve and two vertical strokes. It seems likely 2002)
that the form is derived from a circle followed by EI
vertical strokes such as are also found in the finely NWA) 270)
. + m
painted pottery of Texcoco (Fig. 125 a). The cor- _ :
responding Culhuacan specimens are shown in Fi AER DEAE
fig. 125 b, c. While in a few cases the curve is sels, PORT SN.
a more or less carefully drawn circle (b, c), it has
generally the shape of a spiral. One of the most striking charac-
teristics of the development of this pattern is the tendency to change
the direction of the vertical strokes to an inclined position (fig. 126).
According to the tendency of the painter the strokes incline either
strongly from right above to left below (a, b inside, c, d outside),
while in e and f the strokes run from the left to the right. In
the rapid creation of these forms the vertical lines are transformed
! See, Franz Boas y Manuel Gamio, Album de collecciones arqueolôgicas,
México 1912.
134 Symbolism
into hooks. They are so characteristic that it seems perfectly feasible
to recognize the same hand in these specimens.
There is still another way the design is treated. In fig. 127a
the spiral lies in the direction opposite to the one usually given to
it and a single dividing vertical line is placed between the two
spirals; the end of the first spiral taking the place of the second
vertical line. Here again the method of treatment is consistent. In a
few cases the spiral line instead of terminating abruptly is continued
under the vertical strokes (b). In still another case, a separate single
or double horizontal line is placed under the spiral (c).
A frequent design of which many specimens have been collected
consists of a spiral with attached curves. Presumably it is derived
from a circle and straight lines (fig. 128 a). In rapid execution, the
center of the circle is connected with the circumference so that the
whole line is transformed into a spiral. Sometimes the spirals develop
into a simple hook (b), and the lowest point of the circumference
of the circle is continued into the adjoining horizontal line. In by
far the majority of specimens the distinction between the circle and
the adjoining line may be recognized by a sudden turn, or at least
an indention in the lowest horizontal line (c). The form developing
from the original pattern depends entirely upon the peculiar turn
of the brush used by the artist. In many cases (b, c) the spiral,
continuing into the lowest horizontal line and turning back into the
central horizontal line, is made in one stroke and the upper horizon-
tal line is added on by a separate movement, adjoining the middle
and forming a hook. In other cases (d, e) the spiral and lowest
horizontal are drawn in the same way. The horizontal lines, however,
are made separately by drawing a right angle, probably from the top
downward and adding a central line. In these cases, the horizontal
ends at the far side in a sharp angle. In fig. 128 f, the two hori-
zontal lines are separated from the curve; in g, they are made very
long and apparently the middle one is made in one stroke with the
spiral. The method of producing A is the same as that applied in
b and c but the upper horizontal line is very much reduced in size.
Symbolism 135
ESL
) C Ny;
—
MIX
e f C
Fig. 126. Fig. 127.
a O=IO=N CSIEZSI * i e 3e" je 210-2! }
c C131 C jlicil 4 rice) cscs
e ea3]ca]es E=mezm_f mesieslic eyez I& n
=
8 WE WI lIoxmiesi ^ o [GS$1e51e5 C Om.
LS 4
Fig. 128.
Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan.
The same method is applied in i with the difference that the lower
horizontal is turned up and ends rather abruptly, and that the upper
and middle horizontals are made in the form of a single horseshoe
curve. In j and k quite a different method is applied, the spiral
remains as before but the horizontal lines are made separately in
136 Symbolism
the form of a 3. In I and m the whole curve is made in one con-
tinuous line which has led to the doubling of the middle horizontal
in the form of a loop. In n the three horizontals are treated quite
differently; the long S shaped figure starting above on the left being
substituted for the lines attached to the lowest horizontal. A similar
principle, but beginning on the opposite side, is applied in o, in which
specimen the three horizontals have taken the form of a spiral
ending below in an almost vertical spur. In p we recognize a form
in which the S shaped curve is made separately; in the middle an
additional horizontal line is added and furthermore, the lowest part
of the S shaped curve is connected with the lower horizontal. The
form q is reversed and by attaching the S shaped curve to the center
of the spiral, a divergent form is developed.
I believe that many of the highly irregular forms that occur in
painted pottery must be explained in the same way. Another instance
of this kind is represented by the so-called alligator ware of the
Chiriqui (fig. 129) on which W. H. Holmes based his arguments of
gradual degeneration of realistic forms into conventional forms.
Although the pot itself is well made, the painting is almost always
slovenly; evidently the result of mass production. The most char-
acteristic trait of decoration of this ware is line and dot work. All
the designs are characterized by the use of black and red lines in-
terspersed with dots. The geometrical designs, as well as the animal
forms are crudely executed. Professor Holmes has called attention
to the fact that the dots are used to indicate the scales of the alli-
gators, but this fact does not prove that all the dots are derived from
alligator scales. Forms like those shown in fig. 129 to the right above
may well be understood as attempts in general decoration in black
and red lines and dots, badly executed. This seems more probable
since the dotted triangle has a much wider distribution than the
alligator motives. A representation of the alligator might then be
explained as executed in accordance with the technique applied to
geometrical motives. Owing to slovenly execution the animal form
may degenerate according to the motor habits of the individual artist.
Symbolism 137
: TT
li
Fig. 129. Alligator designs from Chiriqui pottery.
138 Symbolism
However, this would not prove that the alligator, as such, is older
than the line and dot decoration. It must be borne in mind also,
that the upturned snout of the alligator, of which much is made as
a means of identification, is a character of much wider distribution
than the alligator motive itself. Representations of monkeys have it
and we find it also in representations from the interior of Costa
Rica and from some parts of South America. All this is also true
of the curious nuchal appendage which occurs in Costa Rica as well
as in South America.
Equally instructive is the application of small nodes and filets
to pottery which has been explained by Dr. G. G. MacCurdy as
resulting from degeneration of armadillo figures! The essential
characteristic of all this ware is the use of small nodes and fillets applied
to the surface of the vessel or to some of its parts, like feet, neck,
shoulder or handle. These attachements are decorated by a series of
. Short parallel impressions. An oval node with single medial line or
lines is often used to indicate an eye; a similar nodule with several
parallel lines indicates the foot; a series of parallel, short fillets with
short parallel crosslines, are applied to forms that represent animals,
but they are also found on the bodies of vases. Dr. C.V. Hartman? and
S. K. Lothrop? describe the same technical motives from other parts
of Costa Rica. In technical character fhese are so much like the
Chiriqui specimens that we can hardly doubt that they are derived
from the same device. This method of decoration is widely spread.
Its use extends over Central America and the West Indies. It is
most characteristic of archaic ware, particularly figurines of this early
period are always modelled by means of attaching nodules and fillets.
During this period the eye is regularly represented by a nodule
with one or several incisions. This technique is also found in
' George Grant MacCurdy, A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Memoirs Con-
necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. 3 (1911), pp. 48 et seq.
3 C. V. Hartman, Archaeological Researchers in Costa Rica, Stockholm, 1901.
? Samuel Kirkland Lothrop. Pottery of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, New York,
Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1926.
Symbolism 139
Ecuador! up to more recent times. In the Toltec period the
adornment of vessels by attached nodule decoration reached its
highest development. In North America it is not common.
Incised fllets occur in remains from the middle Mississippi region
but even here they are not one of the pronounced features.
In contrast with its frequency in the highly developed pottery
of early Central America its rarity may be noted in Africa, where
highly developed forms are by no means absent, and where lids with
animal figures might seem to suggest readily the application of the
device.2 This is true also of the prehistoric pottery of Europe. The
nodule appears in the pottery of Michelsberg, in Jaispitz (Moravia)
and in a few other late localities. Only in the slip (barbotine) decora-
tions of the terra sigillata do we find anything resembling the
American appliqué ornamentation, but since the material is applied
in a semifluid state, it does not attain the same freedom of treatment.
Nodes that do occur in European prehistoric pottery were apparently
made rather in imitation of punched bronze decorations and belong
to a late period. Attached animal figures, made in clay, like those
found at Gemeinlebarn, also seem to be imitations of metal work
and have never reached that development which is so characteristic
of Central American ceramic art.
The characteristic slit rattle feet of Chiriqui pottery prove even
more conclusively than the application of fillets and nodes, that the
art forms of this province must be considered as a special development
of forms characteristic of a much wider area. This type of foot is
widely spread beyond the territory in which the fish forms prevailed.?
We are thus led to the conclusion that the use of the nodes and
fillets for building up armadillo motives, are historically related to
1 Marshall H. Saville, The Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador, New York, 1910.
? See a relief ornament on a red ware vessel from Banana, Belgian Congo,
Annales du Musée du Congo; Notes analytiques sur les collections ethnographiques,
Vol. 2, Brussels, 1907, Les industries indigénes, Pl. III, fig. 34.
3 See Franz Boas y Manuel Gamio, Album de colecciones arqueológicas, México,
1912, Plates 36, 42, 51.
140 Symbolism
the method of decorating vessels by means of the attachment of
separate pieces, The armadillo motive can then be only a specialized
application of building up animal motives from the elements in ques-
tion. The elements themselves must not be considered primarily as
symbols of the armadillo, nor can all the animals built up of these
elements be interpreted as armadillos.
The essential point of this consideration lies in the wide distribu-
tion of technical and formal motives over large areas, although
differing in details in various localities. These technical and formal
motives are the materials with which the artist operates and they
determine the particular form which a geometrical motive or a life
motive takes. If the notched fillet and node are the material with
which the hand and the mind of the artist operate, they will occur
in all his representations.
The investigators who have tried to prove that conventionalized
forms originate through a process of degeneration from representa-
tions, have generally overlooked the strong influence of motor habits
and of formal arrangements upon the resultant style. In those cases
in which there is a tendency to organize decorative motives in rect-
angular panels, in circular areas, or in fields defined in other ways,
the result must be quite different from others in which the artist
habitually arranges his material in large fields or in continuous bands.
The habit of decorating pottery by moulding and by adding on relief
forms, must lead to results different from those which are obtained
by painting or engraving. The use of lines and the habit of using
dots or circles will also effect the resultant style. I think there can
be very little doubt that if an artist is in the habit of using dot
designs combined with lines and if, later on, he tries to represent
an animal, this particular method will be applied in the representa-
tion. The origin of the motor habits must probably be looked for
in technical processes, that of arrangement in the same processes
and in the forms of familiar utensils.
Our examination of the factory-made material shows that the
process of slurring, or slovenly execution leads first of all to the
Symbolism 141
development of individual characteristics that can best be compared
with handwriting. Pronounced mannerisms permit us to recognize
the hand of the artisan. It is only when an unusually careful and
ingenious person operates with this traditional material that new forms
develop, analogous to those described by Balfour. It will readily be
seen that these conditions are not often realized in primitive society.
[ believe another cause is more potent in bringing about a modi-
fication of design. Ornamental patterns must be adjusted to the
decorative field to which they are applied. It is not. often that the
artist is satisfied with representing part of his subject and cutting it
Fig. 130. Chinese embroidery representing bats.
off where the decorative field ends. He will much rather distort
and adjust the parts in such a way that they all fit in the field that
he has at his disposal. When a bird is represented with outspread
wings, which would occupy approximately a square field, and the
space to be decorated is long and narrow, the artist may twist
body and tail about, and draw out the wings and thus squeeze
the design into the available space. Henry Balfour! gives as an
instance the adjustment of Chinese figures of bats to an ornamental
band (fig. 130).
The northwest coast Indians, who always take the greatest liberties
with the outer forms of animals, do not hesitate to distort them in
a way that allows the artist to adjust the animal to the decorative
field. Their method will be discussed in greater detail at another
place (see pp. 183 et seq.).
On shell discs from the mounds of Tennessee the rattlesnake is so
represented (fig. 131). The head of the rattlesnake with upturned upper
! The Evolution of Art, 1893, p. 50.
142 Symbolism
jaw is readily recognized in fig. 131 a. Behind the mouth, the eye
represented by a number of circles, will be seen. The body continues
along the lower rim towards the right and terminates on the left, in
a rattle. The analogy between fig. b and a is easily recognized;
the essential difference consists in the fact that the body in b is
undecorated; the rattle lies just
over and behind the eye.
Figure c still preserves the
same form, but added to the
decorations found in the pre-
ceding specimens, is the long
loop with small circles sur-
rounding the eye. The position
in d is slightly changed; the
eye will be easily recognized
and just to the right of it, more
upright than in the preceding
specimens, is the mouth with
a fang. The body is in the
same position as before, fol-
lowing the rim of the disk and
ending in a rattle. In e the
mouth is very much shortened
and the eye is reduced to a
Fig. 131. Shell with representation single small circle, while the
of rattle snake. body and tail retain their
characteristic features.
The formal elements which were discussed in the beginning of this
book exert a farreaching influence upon decorative forms. The
exigencies of symmetry within a decorative field require adjustments
which may modify the representative form considerably. A peculiar
effect of inverted symmetry may be seen in those Borneo shields in
which the whole shield represents the face of a demon; one half to the
left of the vertical middle line right side up, the other half upside down.!
* A. R. Hein, Die bildende Künste bei den Dayaks of Borneo, figs. 48, 49, 51.
Symbolism 143
Much more potent than the necessities of formal adjustment is the
symbolic tendency which is liable to lead to abbreviations in which
the representation is reduced to the slightest indications. In our former
discussions we have seen that symbolic representations are very
common and that it happens in many cases that the symbol itself is
represented in a more or less perspective way. Wherever the art
of the people wavers between the symbolic and representative modes
of delineation, opportunity arises for the occurrence of realistic and
abbreviated forms, side by side. To this class belong the face urns,
the prehistoric representations of human figures in stone, and even
our busts and portraits may be considered as continuing this prac-
tice, for they are fragmentary in so far as they show only that
part of the body in which we find the character of the individual
most clearly expressed; in part, because the rest of the body is always
covered by inexpressive clothing which hides whatever individuality
may exist. The principal character of forms of this type will be the
tendency to suggest an object by the indication of a few of the most
characteristic traits. It would probably be erroneous to speak in
these cases of a gradual breaking up of the realistic form and the
development from it of a conventional form, for this is not what
actually happens. The two types occur side by side.
STYLE
We have to take up now the problem of individual art styles.
The general formal elements of which we spoke before, namely
symmetry, rhythm, and emphasis or delimitation of form, do not
describe adequately a specific style, for they underlie all forms of
ornamental art. Representative art is more apt to develop differential
features, for in each area symbolic, perspective and wavering repre-
sentations have peculiar, pronounced characteristics. The principles
of symbolic selection and the method of composition help to indi-
vidualize representative art forms; but, besides these, many formal
elements are integral parts of every art style and these give it its
most specific character. The New Zealander, the Melanesian, the
African, the Northwest American, the Eskimo,— all are in the habit
of carving human figures in the round. They are all representative,
and still the provenience of each is easily determined on account of
very definite formal characteristics.
We shall direct our attention to an elucidation of the principles
by which art styles may be described. We shall also ask ourselves,
in how far the historical and psychological conditions under which
art styles grow up and flourish may be understood.
It will be well to begin with a simple problem. We have seen
that we may consider as works of art undecorated implements made
by a perfectly controlled technique,—in other words made by a
virtuoso. Such are polished stone axes, chipped arrow or lance
heads, iron spear heads, spoons, boxes; in short, any object of daily
use, provided only the form which we may recognize as conceived
in crude specimens, is worked out in a perfect technique. Objects
of this kind, used for the same purposes, have not by any means
the same form everywhere. The specimens accumulated in ethnol-
ogical museums prove that, until very recent times, before contamina-
tion by European wares, each locality, and also each cultural period
had developed fixed types that were rigidly adhered to.
Style 145
This observation is illustrated by the utensils of prehistoric times
as well as by those collected among the primitive tribes of our times.
The throwing sticks of the Eskimo may serve as an example. They
are used to give greater impetus to the hand-thrown weapon. The
principle of their use is the same among all the Eskimo tribes, but
Fig. 132. Throwing sticks of the Eskimo; a, Greenland; b, Ungava Bay; c, Cumber-
land Sound; d, Point Barrow; e, Alaska (exact location doubtful); f, Cape Nome.
they present highly specialized local forms, so distinct in appearance
that each. type may with certainty be assigned to the region from
which it comes (fig. 132).
For the purpose of our inquiry it is important to understand the
reasons that bring about this fixity of type. In a tool like the
throwing stick it is obviously related to the manner of its use. The
clumsy board of Baffinland must feel unwieldy to the hand of a
native who has learned to handle the narrow, pegged stick from
Bering Sea. The adaptation of the hand to the handle does not
10 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
146 Style
permit the use of forms that require unusual muscular movements
which would lessen the accuracy and ease of use. Therefore the
variations of form are confined within the limits established by the
fixed motor habits of the people. Even if a variation of form should
appeal to the eye, it will not be adopted if it should require a new
adjustment of the hands. The more fundamental the motor habits
that determine the form of the implement, the less likely will be
a deviation from the customary type.
The motor habits which find expression in the forms of utensils
are in part highly specialized,—like those required for the effective
use of the throwing sticks just referred to,—but others are much more
general in character, and it would seem as though large divisions of
mankind were characterised by habits of this kind which influence
the forms of their implements and household goods. The restriction
to the islands of the Pacific Ocean of the process of producing fire
by ploughing; the areas of different types of arrow release described
by Edward S. Morse; the extended use of throwing clubs in Africa
and their relative insignificance in many parts of America are other
examples of this kind.
A curious instance of the stability of motor habits is found among
the Eskimo; notwithstanding their great inventiveness the ancient
Eskimo does not seem to have used the saw for cutting large bones.
The cutting was always done by drilling holes close together along
the line on which the bone was to be divided. When enough holes
had been drilled the parts were separated by a blow of a hammer
or by means of a wedge; it seems that saws of flaked stone were
entirely unknown to these people.
Another instance may be cited; the Indians of the North Pacific
Coast, from southern Alaska to central Vancouver Island, do not
practice the art of stone chipping and flaking. All their stone work
was made either in tough stones that are handled by sawing, battering,
pecking and polishing, or in soft stones that can be cut with a knife
and rubbed down with polishing materials. The beautiful chipped
blades, characteristic of their Eskimo neighbors in the north and
Style 147
their Indian neighbors on the interior plateaus and of the southern
coast tribes, are missing here entirely.
Similar observations may be made in regard to the handling of
the knife. The North American woodcarver of modern times uses
principally the crooked knife, the blade of which forms part of a
spiral surface. Archaeological specimens of this type are rare’ so
that it is not certain whether this method of cutting was exten-
sively used in olden times. At present it is undoubtedly distributed
over the whole continent. The knife is used like a spoke-shave,
being drawn towards the body. In Africa, on the other hand,
carving is done with a rasp and a straight? double-bladed knife. I
find the use of a crooked, sickle shaped knife mentioned only once,
as being applied to the shaving down of an arrow shaft and,
presumably, to similar purposes. Schweinfurth ^ mentions that the
Mangbattu are the only people in the regions he visited,—including
even Egyptians—, who are familiar with the use of the single-edged
carving knife, while all the others use the double-edged knife. Of
the Ila speaking people it is also said that they use a spear blade
for carving ?.
Another example illustrating our point is presented by the hammers
used by the Indians of the northwest coast of North America. The
coast tribes of Washington use a hand hammer made of a single
bowlder with a lateral striking head, the tribes of Vancouver Island,
a hand hammer also made of a single bowlder, with a cylindrical
! Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Thompson River Region, Publ. Jesup
North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, fig. 352 d, p. 418; James Teit, The Thompson
Indians, ibid. figs. 125, 126. p. 184; perhaps also the beaver tooth knife, ibid.
fig. 49, p. 144.
* Otis T. Mason, Report U. S. National Museum, 1897, pt. 1, pp. 725 et seq.
3 M. Weiss, Die Vólkerstámme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas, p. 421 et seq.;
also G. Tessmann, Die Pangwe, p.222; Jan Czekanowsky (Ruanda) l. c. (see p. 111)
p. 155.
* G. Schweinfurth, Im Herzen von Afrika, 3d ed. p. 349.
5 E. W. Smith and A. M. Dale, The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia,
Vol. I, p. 199.
148 Style
shaft and a flat striking head at the lower end!; those of northern
British Columbia a heavy hammerstone lashed to a large wooden handle.
In another way habits of movement or position find expression
in household furniture and dress. Tribes among which squatting
on the ground is habitual do not use stools or chairs. Those in
the habit of lying on their sides do not use neck rests which are
found among people with elaborate hair dress that lie on their backs.
The clothing of women is adapted to the manner in which they
carry their children. The hood of the Eskimo woman of Baffinland
accommodates the child that is carried on the back. The wide boot
of the women of Southampton Island and of the ancient styles of
Hudson Strait served to protect the child that was carried on the hip.
It is hardly likely that the habits of the people originated from
forms of the household goods they used. It is much more prob-
able that the inventions were determined by older habits. In later
times the relation may have been reversed, in so far as each genera-
tion stabilizes its habits in accordance with the objects to which it
is accustomed.
A similar permanence of form of utensils which are adjusted to
definite motor habits exists in modern times, as is illustrated by the
rigidity of form of many tradesmen’s tools or the permanence of
the keyboard of the piano.
The same conservatism, although based on the training of another
sense organ, is found in the stability of the forms of the letters of
our alphabet. In writing, both the firmly established motor habits
and the fixity of the associations between visual image and form,
help to stabilize old forms and to make difficult innovations.
The stability of language is another phenomenon of the same kind,
The fundamental phonetic characteristics of a language are based on
motor habits; the use of vocabulary and of grammatical forms partly
on auditory associations. In all these cases; in the use of tools, forms
and language the mind becomes so thoroughly adjusted to the use
! Franz Boas, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Publications of the Jesup
North Pacific-Expedition, Vol. 5, pp. 314 et seq.
Style 149
of definite motor habits, and to certain types of association between
sense impressions and definite activities, that a resistance to change
appears as the most natural mental attitude; if for no other reason,
because it requires the effort of unlearning and relearning. It must
be understood that this does not imply an absolute stability, which
does not exist, but merely the individual resistance to sudden changes.
In another way this resistance is expressed through an emotional
attachment to customary forms. In the domain of tools it is per-
haps not so much the pleasure of play that induces man to bestow
much labor upon. the manufacture of his utensils, as rather the love
of the special tool that he is using, a love that implies pleasure in
the customary movements as well as in the form of the implement.
This mental attitude is one of the most important sources of the con-
servatism in the form of objects of use, and of the tendency to give
to them the greatest possible technical excellence. The intensity of
the emotional relation between a person and his tool is naturally
greatest when maker and user are the same person; it must decay
with the ease with which substitutes are obtained. Here is one of
the causes of the rapid decay in the beauty of form of native uten-
sils as soon as European tools and manufactures are introduced.
While the lack of variation in the forms of utensils, and their
regional characterisation are often expressions of definite motor
habits, or of other sensory reactions that are firmly associated with
useful activities which have become culturally fixed, there are other
cases in which conservative retention of form may not be thus
explained. This is true particularly when the use of an object does
not depend to any considerable extent upon its form. Whether a
basket is round or oblong, angular or without corners does not
influence the mode of its use, unless it serves as a carrying basket.
Still, in many cases the familiarity established through long use of
the objects may readily lead to an emotional attachment that finds
expression in permanence of form, and in the refusal to accept new,
unfamiliar shapes for everyday use, an emotional resistance to change
that may be variously expressed,— as a feeling of impropriety of certain
esaet.
CEU M AS MÀ FR ES EEE SE E ÁX "
150 Style
forms; ofa particular social or religious value, or of superstitious fear
of change. Permanence of form is also favored by the participation
of many individuals in the manufacture of objects. In most cases
every person supplies his own needs. The number of original minds
is certainly no larger in primitive society than in our own, although
I do.not believe that it is any smaller. The bulk of the makers of
objects of everyday use are, therefore, imitators, not originators, and
the mass of uniform material that is in use and constantly seen
will restrict the free play of imagination of the original minds. The
desire for deliberate attempts to create something novel, that charac-
terises the industries of our times, is not present, just as little as
it is present among our peasants, so far as they are uncontaminated
by city influences. I do not mean .to imply that primitive forms
are absolutely stable. Nothing could be farther from the truth; but
the conscious striving for change that characterizes our fashions, is
rare. We are also conservative in forms, a modification of which
would require fundamental changes of habits.
The stability of the inner arrangements of houses, notwithstanding
all variations in detail; the adherence to types of windows used in
different countries; the forms of churches, our localized food habits
are all examples of a considerable degree of conservatism. This
prevails also at least in part, in the fundamental patterns of male
and female attire.
Conservatism of form makes itself felt in many cases in which an
object is made of new material. The relinquishment of the old material
may be due to lack of an adequate supply of the old material, or it
may be an innovation due to an inner creative impulse. It constitutes
a break with the past. The old forms, however, are often retained.
Such substitutions are the more liable to occur the more plastic the
new material. Pottery, to a lesser extent wood, and also stone are
the principal materials in which forms can be imitated in the round.
Particularly pottery lends itself readily to the manufacture of a great
variety of forms. When the necessary skill in tempering the clay,
in modeling and firing has been attained, the opportunity is presented
Style 151
for copying a great variety of forms. Thus we find shell dishes and
spoons, gourd vessels and basket forms imitated in pottery. We
still continue doing so. We have in our China ware innumerable
instances of copies of even the finest fabrics. In Africa we find clay
lamps which are evidently derived from the forms of bronze lamps
of antiquity in which the complicated feet are imitations of wire
work, and many pottery vessels seem to be copies of baskets. For
instance, the handled ceremonial clay dishes of the Pueblo Indians
look more like baskets than like pottery forms.
On account of the great frequency of imitative forms in pottery
the theory has been advanced, that all pottery forms must have
originated from prototypes that were first made in some other
technique. Professor Schuchardt® assumes that the first neolithic
forms which are pointed at the base, must be copies of bottles made
of hide. Cushing and Holmes”? have advocated the theory that
pottery and pottery designs developed from basketry, that pots were
first of all modeled over a basket and that the basket with its clay
cover was then fired. The basket was thus burnt and the clay
vessel remained in the form of the tasket. In corroboration of
this theory it has been pointed out that actually clay covered baskets
have been found, on the surface of which the ornamental pattern
that is usually found on the basket is painted on the clay. These
atiempts do not seem to me convincing. The oldest pottery that
we know is very crude and does not recall any other technical
form. The Eskimo made clay lamps of unbaked clay that seems
to be merely squeezed into shape. It seems much more likely that
the firing of clay was discovered when foods were cooked on clayey
soil or in pits in clayey ground, than that baskets should be made
watertight by an application of clay and that the basket, the making
1 Carl Schuchardt, Alteuropa, Berlin 1919, p. 44.
? W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in Ceramic
Art Frank Hamilton Cushing, A Study of Pueblo Pottery; Fourth Annual Report
Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1886. There is, however, evidence tha pots
were moulded on baskets, then removed and fired.
ren ee
TER m
152 Style
of which is a laborious process, should then have been intentionally
destroyed. However, I do not wish to introduce a new unproven theory
in place of others. For our purpose it is sufficient to recognize
the frequent copies of natural and technical forms in pottery.
The same happens, although not quite so extensively in wood
carving and even in stone work, particularly in soft stones that may
be worked with a knife. Wooden copies of objects made of buffalo
horn occur in Africa. Many of the beautifully carved wooden
goblets from the Congo region look to me like pottery vessels, held
in place by stone supports. Carvings in wood imitate forms made
by joining pieces together. In some regions we find stone vessels
of the same form that is usually used for wooden ones. Best known
among imitative stone forms are the prehistoric European stone axes
which are copies of the forms of bronze weapons that were in use
in more southern regions, or the stone settees of ancient South
America, copies of wooden seats.
We have spoken so far only of the general forms of the objects,
not of decoration or ornament. We have seen in our discussion
of the purely formal elements that the technique will sometimes
bring about patterns on the surfaces of the manufactured objects.
We mentioned the patterns produced by flaking of stone, by adzing
and by weaving with coarse material. The importance of these
surface patterns for the development or ornament can hardly be
overstated. "When a large board is adzed, the workman must shift
his position in order to cover the whole board. According to the
way he moves, different patterns of adjoining surfaces may develop.
Much more important are the patterns that naturally develop when
a weaver plays with his technique, that is when he or she is no
longer satisfied with the simple weaving up and down, but begins
to skip strands and thus introduces more complex rhythms of move-
ment. The solidity of the fabric requires alternations of skipping
and thus the twilling leads immediately to diagonal surface patterns.
The more complex the rhythmic movements, the more complex
will also be the patterns. The attempt has been made to trace the
Style 153
origin of all important decorative patterns to this source. I presume
this is an exaggeration, because other conditions may as well lead
to the discovery of designs. I say advisedly discovery, not invention,
for I believe, with those investigators who would derive all patterns
from weaving, that intentional invention is less important than the
discovery of possibilities which come to be observed as an effect
of the play, particularly the rhythmic play with technical processes.
| presume that the occurrence of a number of simple ornamental
elements may be explained as technically determined. We have
seen before that the straight line and the regular curve such as circle
and spiral presuppose an accurate technique, that they are too rare
in nature to be considered as representative in character. The
straight line may be the result of cutting, folding or splitting some
kinds of wood, of the use of reeds or similar materials, of stretching
fibres and of many other processes. Circles may originate by the
regular turning of coiled basketry and of coiled pottery: spirals by
the laying of coarse coils. Weaving in coarse material leads to
rectangular figures, to checker patterns, steplike diagonals and to
many other complicated forms. Tying with cord produces straight
lines intersecting at various angles and also parallel, circular and
spiral forms. We may confidently claim independent origin in
separate areas for the triangular design in basketry (fig. 104 a, b,
p. 109); for simple radial forms in coiled basketry placques; for
the swastika cross, the meander and for many other simple forms,
like the spirals of prehistoric Bohemia; of eastern Siberia; of
Melanesia and of ancient New Mexico; in the sameness of design
elements from Africa and America; in the occurrence of the
circle and central dot in prehistoric Europe and among the
Eskimo. The principle of symmetry, of balance, of rhythmic repeti-
tion and of emphasis laid upon prominent points or lines apply to
all kinds of technique and many lead to parallel developments.
We have seen that in some cases, simple elements which develop
independently, possess stylistic pecularities that differentiate one locality
from another. But even if the forms are identical, the arrangement
154 Style
in the decorative field is liable to give a specific form to the art of
each locality.
The negroes of the Congo present an excellent example of the
transfer of design from one technique to another. Their woven
patterns consist largely of intersecting bands, imitating the interweaving
Fis. 18383. Pile cloth, Congo.
of broad bands. These motives appear in most of the decorative
work of these tribes. Their embroidered pile cloth (fig. 133) imitates
the interwoven patterns; they reappear on their wood carvings,
particularly on their goblets (see fig. 52, p. 59), and on carvings on
buffalo horns.
Interwoven bands that look like imitations of coarse weaving are also
very common in American art. They are found in many parts of South
America and among the Pueblo Indians. Some of the wood carving
of Tonga is evidently influenced in style by the artistic methods of
tying, which are highly developed in the islands of the Pacific Ocean.
Style 155
Granting all this, it still remains obscure why there should be
that degree of individualization of style that is actually observed
even where similar technical processes prevail. The Indians of
Guiana and the Indonesians use the same methods of weaving in
rather broad, stiff materials. The technical conditions controlling
their basketry work are practically the same. Nevertheless the
styles of art they use are quite distinctive.
We conclude from this that besides the influence of the technique
there must be some other causes that determine the individual style
of each area. I doubt very much that it will ever be possible to
give a satisfactory explanation of the origin of these styles, just as
little as we can discover all the psychological and historical conditions
that determine the development of language, social structure, mythol-
ogy or religion. All these are so exceedingly complex in their
growth that even at best we can do no more than hope to unravel
some of the threads that are woven into the present fabric and
determine some of the lines of behavior that may help us to realize
what is happening in the minds of the people.
We have to turn our attention first of all to the artist himself.
Heretofore we have considered only the work of art without any
reference to the maker. Only in the case of slovenly work have
we referred to the artisan. It has appeared that his behavior as
revealed in his work helped us to understand the fate of the designs.
We may hope, therefore, that in the broader question also know-
ledge of the attitude and actions of the artist will contribute to a
clearer understanding of the history of art styles. Unfortunately,
observations on this subject are very rare and unsatisfactory, for it
requires an intimate knowledge of the people to understand the
innermost thoughts and feelings of the artist. Even with thorough
knowledge the problem is exceedingly difficult, for the mental
processes of artistic production do not take place in the full light of
consciousness. The highest type of artistic production is there, and
its creator does not know whence it comes, It would be an error
to assume that this attitude is absent among tribes whose artistic
156 Style
productions seem to us so much bound by a hard and fast style
that there is little room for the expression of individual feeling and
for the freedom of the creative genius. I recall the instance of
an Indian from Vancouver Island who was suffering of a lingering
malady that confined him to his bed. He had been a good painter
but his productions did not differ stylistically in any way from those
of his tribe. During his long illness he would sit on his bed,
holding his brush between his lips, silent and apparently oblivious
of his surroundings. He could hardly be induced to speak, but
when he spoke he dilated upon his visions of designs that he could
no longer execute. Undoubtedly his was the mind and the attitude
of a true, inspired artist.
The general character of the artistic productions of man, the world
over, shows that the style has the power of limiting the inventiveness
.of the productive artist; for, if we grant that potential genius like the
one just described is born in all cultures, then the uniformity of art
forms in a given tribe can be understood only by these limitations.
The restriction of inventiveness is not due, as might perhaps
be supposed, to the habit of copying old designs and to a sluggish-
ness of the imagination of the artisan who finds it easier to copy
than to invent. On the contrary, primitive artists hardly ever COPY.
Only in very exceptional cases are found working designs such as
we employ in embroidery, dressmaking, woodcarving and architecture.
The work is laid out in the mind of the maker before he begins
and is a direct realization of the mental image. In the process of
carrying out such a plan technical difficulties may arise that compel
him to alter his intentions. Such instances can easily be discovered
in the finished product and are highly instructive, because they throw
a strong light upon the mental processes of the workman. We may
see particularly in richly decorated basketry how such difficulties arise
and what influence they exert upon the development of the design.
Even in the making of mass products, like the pottery which we
described before, (pp. 132 et seq.) copying is evidently not practised.
The patterns are so simple and require only a small number of
Style 157
standardized movements which are combined in a variety of ways.
The method of work corresponds strictly to our method of writing
in which also a number of standardized movements occur in a
multitude of combinations.
Although the artisan works without copying, his imagination never
rises beyond the level of the copyist, for he merely uses familiar
motives composed in customary Ways. It does not require much
practice to learn how to carry out such simple work without patterns.
The method of procedure is the same as that followed in European
folk art. The embroidered or woven patterns, the wood carvings
of European peasants are not copies of patterns but the results of
individual composition. Pattern books appear only at a time when the
folk art is decadent. Therefore, notwithstanding the rigidity of style it
would be difficult to find two objects that have identical ornamentation.
When designs are very complex, and rigid symmetry or accurate
rhythmic repetitions are required, we find sometimes the use of
stencils. It does also happen, that one person plans a design and
another executes it. In these cases actual copying may occur; both
of these instances are rare in primitive culture and do not modify
the general picture as here outlined.
It is interesting to hear the opinions of individuals who create
new designs. We have already seen that the novelty consists
generally in the combination of old pattern elements in new ways.
Nevertheless, the authors of these designs are convinced that they
have created something new. I have information on the attitude of
these artists only from the North American Indians. They call
designs of this kind “dream designs", and claim that the new
pattern actually appeared to them in a dream. This explanation of
the origin of the new form is remarkably uniform over the whole
continent. It has been recorded on the Great Plains, on the north
western Plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians. There is little
doubt but that this is merely another term for invention. It
expresses a strong power of visualization which manifests itself when
the person is alone and at rest, when he can give free play to the
158 Style
imagination. Perhaps the artists have greater eidetic power than most
adults among ourselves. The few individuals who create new forms
in this manner have probably a good control over the technique and
wide command over a multitude of current forms. In the one case
which has been investigated with some care by James Teit the woman
who created new basketry patterns was also one of the best tech-
nicians and had full command over the greatest variety of forms.
When the patterns made by individual artists are compared, it is
seen that the number of designs made by different individuals differs
very considerably. Some have command of the full range of forms,
while others are satisfied with a small number which they repeat
over and over again.
The controlling power of a strong, traditional style is surprising.
The Northwest coast people have characteristic methods of repre-
senting heads, eyes, eyebrows and joints; fig. 67 (p. 71) shows the
attempt of an excellent Haida artist who tried to illustrate the tale
of an eagle who carried away a woman.
The general form of the eagle is quite realistic, but the artist
could not avoid placing the characteristic eye design in the wing
joint of the eagle, and to render the head in the conventional style
in which the eagle is shown. The woman whom the eagle carries
has the typical eyebrow and cheek patterns. The style has pene-
trated the picture which was planned as a realistic representation.
Similar observations may be made in regard to the Wasgo, the
fabulous sea monster with a wolfs body and large ears. In fig.
134 it is shown carrying a whale between its ears, another one in
its tail, and a person in the mouth. It has the characteristic high
nose of the wolf, the ears turned back (here shown as transparent).
The large shoulder and hip joints and the hands and feet in form
of eyes are features of Northwest coast art. The whale with its
round eyes, blowhole, and characteristic tail conforms also to the
local art style. Still the artist attempted to give a realistic painting.
Quite analagous is another painting by the same Haida artist,
Charles Edensaw (fig. 135) who tried to illustrate for me a Haida
159
Style
AR
LEA
BO
be] f
KA
RF
Fig. 134. Haida painting representing a sea-monster in the form of a wolf,
carrying two whales.
ZA
B
A
v
AA G
im
aI
2
ANNAN
EE
I
NO
Haida drawing representing the story of a young man
who caught a sea monster.
Fig. 135.
160 Style
story of a man who caught the sea monster Wasgo by placing a split
cedar tree under water. It was held open by means of a spreading-
stick. A child was placed in it as bait and when the monster
appeared to devour the child, the youth knocked out the spreading-
stick ; the tree closed and caught the monster. In this sketch the
tree is shown by the black, sharp angle, set on the inside with
teeth that killed the monster. The spread-
ing-stick, which holds the split tree apart
is indicated by the black crossbar. The
Wasgo in the form of a wolf with large
dorsal fin is shown biting the head of the
child, while the youth sits on the tree.
The story continues telling that the youth
dons the Wasgo skin and goes every night
to hunt sea game which he deposits on
the beach of the village. His mother-in-
law claims shamanistic power and pre-
tends to have obtained the game. When
the youth makes known that he has
Ens | kiled it, his mother-in-law falls down
Fig. 136. Haida drawing re- being shamed by the young man. She is
presenting part of the raven shown on the left in shamanistic dress
Sony. with shell rattles, shamanistic apron, neck
ring of bone ornaments and the shamanistic crown. Her position
indicates that she is falling. It will be noticed that here also every
figure shows characteristic traits of the northwest coast ornamental style.
In fig. 136 part of the raven story is represented. The human
figure in the left hand upper corner presumably represents the
owner of the halibut hook. Under it is shown the raven flying and
carrying on his back the owner of the halibut hook. According
to this story he throws him into the sea, takes the halibut hook
and begins to fish. This incident is shown on the right hand side
of the sketch. The meaning of the seal in the upper right hand
corner is not clear.
iz
Style 161
We have seen that in representative art the particular type of
perspective or symbolic form or the combination of the two deter-
mines in part the local style. We have to turn now to a consideration
of the purely formal elements that characterize style. We may
distinguish here between the forms of ornamentation and their
composition. A general survey |
of the field of primitive art
convinces us at once of the
great variety of elementary
forms and of their sharp local-
ization. As an instance of the
importance | of fundamental
forms I choose the occurrence —— — ——
of the spiral. It is character-
istic of the art of New Zealand,
of Melanesia, and of the Amur
tribes,— to select only a few
typical examples. And still, how
great are the differences, how
sharply specialized the spiral
of each of these districts!
Practically all the spirals in
primitive art are equidistant. It
can easily be shown that spirals
develop in many different ways.
As has been pointed out by Semper, the coiling of wire or the making of
coiled basketry or pottery must lead to the discovery of the ornamental
spiral. Wrapping with twine may have a similar result. In other cases
the spiral develops without technical motives from natural forms. This
is exemplified, for instance, by the spirals used for expressing the
nostrils of the beaver, bear and dragonfly in northwest coast art (see
figs. 157 p. 186, 175 p. 193). It is, however, doubtful whether the spiral
has ever become in this manner a dominant motive of local art.
The New Zealand carved spiral (fig. 137) is generally double;
11 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
©
3
162 Style
one arm running in, the other out, and the two clasping each other
in the center. The spirals are so placed that their general contours
harmonize with the decorative field, although their outer turns often
cut into its borders. The appearance of the spiral is strongly in-
fluenced by the application of a common pattern of carving, which
consists of a long lineal field with crosshatching limited by two or
more equidistant lines. The two arms of the spiral are connected
at regular intervals by small bars having crossline decoration. In other
cases the spirals themselves are decorated with crosslines, while the
surrounding lines are smooth. Sometimes the spirals are given a
notched outline. Single spirals consisting of a number of equidistant
lines, occur in tattooing and in wood carving representing tattooed
faces. Spirals are often connected and form S shaped figures and
when placed seriall in a narrow field, they are accompanied by a
series of equidistant lines,— fragments of the outer turns that would
have shown if the spiral had been able to develop freely.
The spiral of eastern New Guinea is in some ways similar to the
one of New Zealand. The double spiral appears commonly in both
areas, also the notches or scallops on the spiral and the filling in
of the gore with curved lines accompanying the outer turns of the
spiral (fig. 138). The lack of connecting bars, of the crossline deco-
ration and the fundamentally different design arrangement, as well
as the treatment in black and white differentiate the New Guinea
spiral from that of New Zealand. The curves are fitted much more
rigorously in the decorative field. The great freedom of the New
Zealand forms, the delicate accuracy of all the constituent elements,
and the multiplicity of forms connected with the spiral, are absent.
The third area, the Amur region, in which the spiral is used
extensively, represents fundamentally different forms, (fig. 139).
While the spirals of New Zealand and those of New Guinea are
equally wide through the whole distance of their course, those of
the Amur region show peculiar lateral developments. The spirals
of this area are generally single, and broad; or double, but the
spirals do not clasp each other. The outlines of the spiral bands
Style 163
are varied by strictures. Where the general course of these spirals
leaves fields that would remain undecorated, they are filled in by
broad tendrils, leaf like projections or by independent circular orna-
ments that help to keep the background broken up in bands that
Fig. 139. Spirals from the
eastern New Guinea. Amur River.
Fig. 138. Types of spirals from
retain throughout approximately the same width. Often the varia-
tions in the lines of spirals form animal figures, particularly birds
and fishes; sometimes of fairly realistic form.
Fixity of form occurs even in crude representative drawings made
without such technical skill as is developed in industrial occupations.
This is strikingly illustrated by certain forms used by the Algonquin
tribes of the woodlands around the western Great Lakes and also
by the neighboring Siouan tribes. In their pictographs the human
164 Style
figures appear regularly with broad shoulders, tapering down in
straight lines to the waist. Sometimes the figure is cut off at this
place; sometimes it ex-
pands downward from
the waist. Fig. 140 a re-
presents a Potawatomi
drawing; fig. 140b a
Wahpeton Sioux draw-
ing of the same type.
In the winter counts
of the Sioux published
by Mallory, the human
figure is represented
in quite a different
style, (fig. 140 d). This
type occurs both in the
La Flamme and Lone-
Dog winter counts. We
may compare these
forms with the typical
symbol used by the
Blackfeet to represent
a slain enemy, which,
according to Wissler,
has always the form
given in. c... On. the
reproductions of picto-
Fig. 140. Pictographs representing human beings: graphs the same form
a, Potawatomi; b, Wahpaton Sioux; c¢, Blackfoot; appears, often with only
d, Dakota; e, Alaskan Eskimo; f, Pencil sketches by
Eskimo from the west coast of Hudson Bay.
one leg. Quite dis-
tinct from these Plains
Indians types are the forms used by the Alaskan Eskimos in their
etchings on bone, antler, and ivory (e). The forms are always small
silhouettes in lively motion and the realism of form and movement
Style 165
of the Eskimo etchings forms a strong contrast when compared to the
conventional style of the Plains and Woodlands Indians. Even the
pictographic representations of men in motion, which do occur in
other types of Plains Indian drawings, differ entirely in style from
Fig. 141. Pictographs; a, b, c, from the Cueva de los Caballos; d, Bushman.
those of the Eskimo. The style of the eastern Eskimos representation
of the human form differs considerably from that of the Alaskan
Eskimo. They do not use silhouettes but draw their forms true to
life with particular attention to the details of the clothing (fig. 140 f).
Quite distinct from these forms are the representations of the
human form made by the Bushman and by paleolithic man. They are
always silhouettes of large size with strong exaggerations of charac-
teristic forms and movements of the body, (fig. 141). Obermaier;has
166 Style
described these in detail! Some of the figures in lively motion are
represented with thread-like legs and body, while in other cases the
calves of the legs are shown in exaggerated sizes. The Bushman
paintings are somewhat similar in type to those of the paleolithic
period. We find the same exaggeration of the length of the limbs
and particularly in the representation of females, exaggeration of all
the characteristic features of the body.
In almost every art definite stylistic forms may be recognized. I
will add a few additional examples based on certain classes of objects
which illustrate this.
Miss Ruth Bunzel has given to me a full description of the decora-
tion of the water jar of the Zuni. “It is characterized by great stability
in decorative style. The form of the jar itself shows very slight va-
riations. The outer surface is slipped with white clay which serves
as a background for painted decorations in black and red. The
most characteristic feature of the decorative scheme is the boxing
off of the field into clearly defined areas outlined by heavy black
lines. The ways in which the field is thus divided and the designs
permissible in each section are all definitely prescribed by prevailing
standards of taste.
"Essential on every jar is the division of the field into two zones
known as neck and body. Neck designs are always used in pairs,
four or six alternating units being used on each jar. At the present
time the choice of designs for the neck is limited to two sets of
designs, the way in which they are combined being absolutely fixed.
Alternating diamond and triangular patterns, both highly elaborated,
are used together, and, on the other hand a scroll and conventional-
ized prayer-stick are used together on other jars.
"For the body there is a greater choice of design, but the choice
is between certain well known patterns, and the ways in which each
* H. Obermaier, P. Wernert, Las Pinturas Rupestres del Barranco de Valle-
torta. (Castellon) Comisión de investigaciones paleontológicas y prehistóricas, Mem.
No. 23. Museo Nacional de ciencias naturales, Madrid 1919.
Style 167
may be used are definitely fixed. The most characteristic and, at
the present time, the most popular type is the deer-sunflower pat-
tern (fig. 142). Two large medallions representing sunflowers are
painted on opposite sides of the jar. Three such medallions are
sometimes used, but two is the preferred number. The space bet-
ween the medallions is divided horizontally by a narrow band. The
band may be filled with small conventionalized birds or with an
interlocking scroll figure.
In each of the spaces :
formed by this band are
painted two deer, each
surrounded by graceful
scroll work, called. in
Zuni terminology ‘the
deer’s house’. In all,
eight deer are used, two
in each of the four fields.
The deer are always
painted in exactly the
same way, in profile
with the head to the Fig. 142. Zuni pot.
right, and with certain
of the internal organs indicated. There is no variation even in the
ornamental scrolls surrounding the representation. In small jars it is
permitted to substitute for the deer on the lower and smaller part
of the jar one of several well defined crook or scroll patterns, but any
other departures from the established scheme are severely criticised.
The first of the two rim designs referred to above is always used
with the deer pattern. The whole composition in precisely the
combination described appears over and over again in water jars now
in use at Zuni as well as in older specimens now in our museums,
and the fixity of the type is clearly recognized by native artists.
“This is only one of a number of equally fixed types of decora-
tion at present in favor at Zuni. There is, for instance, one very
168 Style
elaborate terraced figure repeated in literally hundreds of specimens
of water jars, and always without the slightest variation either in the
figure itself or in its application to the jar. It is always used in threes
and with the second of
the two rim designs. There
are other types also, any
one of which is known to
and can be described by
any well informed Zuni
potter. Although the in-
vention of new designs
is considered eminently
desirable among them,
the actual number of Zuni
pots that do not belong to
one or the other of these
recognized types is ex-
ceedingly small."
As another example I
choose the style of em-
broidery on Haussa shirts
(fig. 143). Felix von
Luschan has called atten-
tion to the rigidity of the
general pattern.! A narrow
elongated field in the left
hand upper corner of the
design surrounded on the left by a thin white line, on the right
by a white field with long pointed triangles, limits the hole through
which the head passes. The white disk to the left of it rests, there-
fore on the right side of the chest, the upper disk on the right
shoulder blade. The line dividing the design into an upper and lower
Fig. 143. Haussa embroideries.
! Felix von Luschan, Beiträge zur Völkerkunde, p. 50. Patterns of the same
kind have been figured by Leo Frobenius in “Das sterbende Afrika," Pls. 58— 60.
Style 169
part, beginning just at the lower end of the slit through which the head
passes, sets off the embroidery on the body of the shirt from that on the
large pocket below. The upper rim of the pocket is always decorated
with a central design, consisting of a square field with checkered
figures, to the left of which are two triangles, to the right, three. In
many specimens there is, on the right border of the field, a looped
band. The design on the lower part of the pocket and the one on
the body of the shirt are, in the main, symmetrical. The three-barbed
arrow pattern of the lower border reappears on top followed inside
by the same type of rosette. The two designs differ, however, in
so far as the three-pointed pattern with the connected loop band
is repeated to the right of the slit for the head, turned at right
angles to the corresponding portion on the pocket border. This
pattern disturbs the symmetry of the upper and lower designs and
produces a distortion of the upper one which, however, does not
influence the pattern ‚elements. On the pocket below and to the left,
is a rectangular band with a leaf design forming an inner border.
Great fixity of design appears also in the rawhide boxes of the
Sauk and Fox Indians, to which I referred before (p. 25 et seq.). The
characteristic feature is the division of the rectangular hide that is
to form the box, into three fields lengthwise, five fields crosswise.
The five fields are determined by the way in which the box is
folded; four sides forming front, bottom, back and top, and the fifth
a flap covering the front. The lengthwise division is not so deter-
mined, for the width of the box differs considerably from that of
the central field. The design elements are based on common pat-
terns of the Indians of the northern part of North America: rect-
angles divided by central longitudinal lines and obtuse triangles on
each side of it. It should be noticed that the design unit is not
the diamond but the rectangle with two obtuse triangles that have
the apex near the central dividing line. This appears clearly in the
specimen shown in fig. 144b in which every design begins at the
margin with at triangle pointing inward towards the opposite triangle
and also in the other figures in which, in accordance with the
170 Style |
art style of the eastern woodlands, a segment is substituted for the
acute triangle. A second element in these designs is the acute
triangle with lines, or a single line, extending from the apex;
a form which is also common to all the woodland and plains Indians.
WED
/
Vi se
=
=
PSSSSS
a b
Fig. 144. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.
Two styles of these paintings may be distinguished; one in which
the five crosswise fields are so treated that the patterns on the three
central rectangular fields (2, 3, 4) are at right angles to those in
the two extreme fields (1, 5). In the central fields the long sides
of the rectangles run parallel to the narrow side of the hide and in
the outer ones, the rectangles are turned so that the long sides are
parallel to the long side of the hide. The central lengthwise field
extends only over the three middle fields and is very narrow
Style 171
(figs. 14, 144, a, b). The only ornament on fig. 144b is the rectangle
with two obtuse triangles facing at the apex. To the four rectangles
on 2, 3, 4 correspond four corresponding ones in the fields 1 and 5.
In fig. 144a there is an alternation of two designs in these fields. There
I
En rem eme
=== A
Fig. 145. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.
are two triangles with protruding lines with complex frames, and
rectangles with the obtuse triangles transformed into segments. The
central dividing line in these rectangles is missing. It will be noticed
that here also the number of rectangles in the three inner fields (2,
3, 4) corresponds to the number in the outer fields (1 and 5), but
their order is reversed. Left and right triangles in the outer fields
(1 and. 5) are also in reverse positions. The narrow central field is
occupied by a single acute triangle. In fig. 145b we have a similar
172 Style
arrangement, but in place of the rectangle with obtuse triangles, we
find a new arrangement of acute triangles. Fig. 14 (p. 27) differs from
those just described in that the central field is divided into two
divisions instead of four. The obtuse triangles in the four corners
VAN
a b
Fig. 146. Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox.
d uewat? |
are treated somewhat differently and the figure between them in the
middle of the short side is treated as though the essential design
were the diamond, not the obtuse triangle. The heart shaped design
and the star like figures give the impression of a new development
of older patterns.
In figures 13, 15, 145a and 146 the rectangles are all placed in
the same direction; the long side parallel to the short side of the
hide. Fig 145a consists throughout of curved segments correspond-
ing to the obtuse triangles. At the apices of these segments the
Style c M78
rectangles are divided by central lines. The fields separating the
rectangles bear each an acute triangle with prolonged apex. In the
narrow central field we find also the acute triangle with extending -
lines. Fig 15 consists of the acute triangle with the usual frame
but with scolloped edges
instead of the angular
figures of fig. 145b. The
central field is treated in
the same way as in fig.
145 a. Fig. 13 corres-
ponds nearly to fig. 145a,
except that the rectangular
fields are not divided by
a central line, but have a
central figure somewhat
hour-glass shaped enclos-
ing an acute triangle at
each end. The crosses
in the middle field are
also derived from the
acute triangles. The three
central fields of the long
side of fig. 146 b corres-
pond to fig. 144 a. Since . Fig. 147. Painted rawhide, Ioway.
the rectangles in the
marginal field on the short side are not turned, the acute triangle
design did not fit and we find, therefore, instead the cross design.
The lack of symmetry between the extreme upper and lower fields
is quite unusual. In fig. 146 a we find, as in fig. 14, only four fields.
The designs are similar in character to those of fig. 146 b, except
that the acute triangle design is developed in a peculiar manner.
The Ojibwa and loway use another method of building up their
boxes. The short sides are made of separate flaps and there is no
flap covering the front. The bottom is not decorated and the hide
SS SS SS
EXE EN
I
pastus
A
ZZ D ER
Ea i
A
PA
2
A
pA
174 Style
is folded over simply in box form and sewed together (fig. 147).
The method used by the Otoe and sometimes by the Ioway, is still
different. There is a short flap covering part of the front; the sides
are folded in, somewhat in the same manner as done by the Fox
Fig. 148. Painted rawhides; à, loway; b, Otoe.
and there is also a complete lack of coherence between the design as
laid out on the hide and as it appears in the completed box (fig. 148).
Still another example of fixity of type is presented in the woven
bags of the Ojibwa and Potawatomi (figs. 149, 150). The two oppo-
site sides have always distinct patterns. The purely geometrical
patterns are always laid out symmetrically. There is a broad central
figure bordered by a number of narrow stripes. These are followed,
above and below by a wide stripe of a pattern different from the
central one. Sometimes the colors above and below are inverted.
Style 175
The dividing line runs all around the bag, but the patterns in the
broad bands change. On the one side there are often representative
figures above, and in this case there is no correspondence between
the upper and lower designs. Similar bags are used by other
li
HD GZ ed WI Cx —
POSE TOO
Fig. 149. Design from Fig. 150. Design from two sides of pouch,
pouch, Ojibwa. Potawatomi.
neighboring tribes. The Potawatomi use the same decorative arrange-
ments, except that the central band often remains undecorated.!
For a clear understanding of the character of a local style a com-
parison with related forms in contiguous areas is indispensable. Histo-
rical conditions like those that may be traced in the development
of art forms in prehistoric and historic times in Europe and in Asia
! See Alanson Skinner, The Mascontens or Prairie Potawatomi Indians, Bull.
Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Vol. 6, No. 2, Plate 21.
176 Style
have been determinants in forming the art of primitive people also.
There is probably not a single region in existence in which the art
style may be understood entirely as an inner growth and an ex-
pression of cultural life of a single tribe. Wherever a sufficient amount
of material is available, we can trace the influence of neighboring
tribes upon one another, often extending over vast distances. Dis-
semination of cultural traits that has made the social structures, the
ceremonials and the tales of tribes what they are today, has also
been a most important element in
shaping the forms of their art. The
local distribution of technical processes,
of form elements, and of systems of
arrangement contribute to the character
of each art style. In another place
we have discussed the distribution of
pottery decorated by means_ of applied
pellets and fillets (see p. 138), and it
appeared that the technical process
> covers a wide continuous area and that
Fig. 151a. Type of parfleche and it is applied in different ways by each
pouch painting, Arapaho. cultural group. We have also seen that
the characteristic triangular design with
enclosed rectangle, often with spur lines along the base, is widely dis-
seminated over the North American continent. We found that this form
is common to the Pueblos, the Indians of the northwestern plateaus
and of the plains, and that the fundamental pattern may be recogniz-
ed in New England and Labrador. Patterns composed of lines,
triangles and rectangles are characteristic of the art of the North
American Indian. Notwithstanding their simplicity, these forms are
practically confined to North America. Their strong individuality
proves that their present distribution must be due to mutual
influence among various North American cultures. We cannot
determine where the pattern originated but it is quite certain that
its present distribution is due to cultural contact; its occurrence is
Style 177
probably related to the use of stiff rawhide for receptacles, to the
method of painting used by the Indians, and to the old method of
decorating with porcupine quill weaving and embroidery. I have called
attention to the difference in arrangement of these patterns among
a number of tribes and A. L. Kroeber, R. H. Lowie, and Leslie
Spier! have discussed these questions in greater detail (fig. 151).
N
N
rmlim
H
NN
N
QU
Fig. 1515, c. Types of parfleche and pouch painting, Shoshone.
The parallel stripe arrangement is characteristic of the Arapaho; a
central field surrounded by a square, of the northern Shoshone.
Owing to the close contact in which these two tribes live at the
present time, which favors intertribal trade, the distribution is not
quite so clear as it has probably been in earlier times.
Certain differences may also be observed in the arrangement of
bead embroidery the forms of which are very uniform over an
extended area of the western prairies. A characteristic form of this
1 Leslie Spier, An Analysis of Plains Indian Parfleche Decoration, University of
Washington Publications in Anthropology, Vol. I, pp. 89 et seq. where the earlier
literature has been quoted.
12 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
ET RÉET
178 Style
q r Ss
Fig. 152. Arapaho designs.
design consists of a central diamond or rectangle, from the corners
of which emanate lines that terminate in triangles facing the central
field either with the apex or with the base; sometimes a cross-
bar with prongs is found at the end of these lines. Among the
Arapaho (fig. 152) these patterns appear singly on a plain back-
ground; among the Sioux (fig. 153) the central square is seldom
— Mà
Style 179
0
A
Fig. 153. Sioux designs.
used. While among the Arapaho the lines are usually attached to
only two opposite ends, the Sioux almost always attach them to the
four corners of the central diamond. Furthermore, the Sioux like
180 Style
to vary the background by inserting stars or crosses and the design
seems to occur more frequently symmetrically doubled than among
the Arapaho.
Another good example of differentiation in arrangement and
identity of pattern elements is presented by the basketry of the
Indians of British Columbia. Among the Thompson Indians the
design elements are distributed evenly over the whole side of the
basket; among the Lillooet they are confined to the upper part of
the side while the lower part remains undecorated; among the Chi-
cotin there are three bands of decoration along the upper part of
the basket (see p. 297).
As another case of the wide distribution of a design element,
evidently due to diffusion, we may mention the. socalled quail tip
ornament of California which consists of a right angle with a thin
upright stem and a short heavy horizontal arm. This pattern is
found commonly throughout California and extends northward as
far as the Sahaptin tribes of Columbia River. It is particularly
important to note that technically the basket of the Sahaptin tribes
belongs to the coiled and imbricated type used by the Thomp-
son Indians farther to the north; while in the southern regions a
multiplicity of methods of basket weaving are used. In all of these
the same quail tip occurs (see p. 109).
We have spoken so far of local styles as though in every case
only a single style occurred in a tribal unit. This might seem
plausible on account of the comparative uniformity of tribal life,
Still there are many cases in which fundamentally different styles
may be observed in the same community. I have referred several
times to the realistic carving and drawing of the Eskimos, which is
often combined with very characteristic but subordinate geometrical
patterns, particularly with the double line with alternating spurs, a
series of “Y” shaped figures, arranged on a continuous line; and
circles and dots (see fig. 78, p. 86). In certain cases realistic forms
are used for the purpose of ornamentation. On some modern
specimens from the west coast of Hudson Bay, the representations
Style : 181
of human beings or animals are found (see fig. 51 b, p. 58). In
Greenland wooden vessels are ornamented by attached ivory carvings
representing seals, which are nailed on to the surface (fig. 121, p. 127).
Pieces of skin in which needles are kept, are ornamented with
appliqué figures.! On the east coast of Greenland similar decora-
tive motives are in use.
The style of ornamenting cloth is quite different. There is no
realism and the formal patterns which are used are broad bands, accom-
panying the borders of the garments and long lines of fringes. The
basis of this ornamentation is a feeling for color contrast and a
tendency to emphasize outlines. The representative tendency is
entirely absent. In a single specimen in which it appears as a
representation of a human hand, it looks strangely out of place.?
This decorative type is fully developed in Greenland where checker
work is applied to garments, buckets, and also to wooden goggles.
I presume the principal cause for the difference of these styles is
found in the difference of the technical processes, but perhaps even
more in the circumstance that the realistic work is made by the
men, the clothing and sewed leather work by the women.
Two fundamentally distinct styles occur also among the Indians
of the North Pacific coast. I have referred a number of times to
their symbolic representations of animals with the curious disregard
of natural relations between the parts of the body. This style of
art is confined primarily to woodwork and to other industries allied
to woodwork. It occurs also in appliqué and in embroidery in porcu-
pine quill,— probably copied from painted designs,—so that it is
practiced by both men and women. It is, however, entirely absent
in modern basketry made for home use, and in matting. The decor-
ative patterns in these types of technique are always geometrical
and bear no relation to the art of carving. Only in the woven
1 Kaj Birket-Smith, Ethnography of the Egedesminde District, Meddelelser om
Groenland, Vol. 66, (1924), pp. 522, 550.
® Franz Boas, The Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bulletin American
Museum of Natural History, Vol. 15, (1907), Plate 9.
182 Style
blankets of the Tlingit which are copied by the women from pattern
boards made by the men do we find the typical symbolic style.
1 might also refer to the contrast between the pictographic repre-
sentations of the Indians of the Plains and their ornamental art, if
it were not for the fact that their pictography never rises to the
dignity of an art.
The cases might be considerably increased in which a difference
of style is found in different types of technique, or in different parts
of the population. Birchbark baskets of the interior of British
Columbia have their own style of border decoration and their sides
are often covered with pictographic designs. Coiled baskets from
the same district have geometrical surface patterns. Central American
painted .pottery differs in style from other types in which painting
is not used, but in which plastic ornamentation is applied. New
Zealand borders of woven mattings have geometric style and lack
patterns that might be considered derived from the elaborate spiral
decoration that characterizes Maori carving (Plate VIII).
Such differences in style are, however, not by any means the
rule. As has been stated before, we find much more commonly
(p. 154) that the most highly developed art is liable to impose its
style upon other industries and that mat weaving and basketry have
been particularly influential in developing new forms and powerful
in imposing them upon other fields.
TA ALYId
‘pue[eaZ MoN 53exuz[g U3A0 AN
I
b
&
a
P
eae
Nor MP e m
ART OF THE NORTH PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH
AMERICA"
he general principles discussed in the preceding chapters, may
now be elucidated by a discussion of the style of the decorative
art of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast of North America.
Two styles may be distinguished: the man’s style expressed in the art
of wood carving and painting and their derivatives; and the woman's
style which finds expression in weaving, basketry, and embroidery.
The two styles are fundamentally distinct. The former is sym-
bolic, the latter formal. The symbolic art has a certain degree of
realism and is full of meaning. The formal art has, at most, pattern
names and no especially marked significance.
We shall discuss the symbolic art first. Its essential characteristics
are an almost absolute disregard of the principles of perspective,
emphasis of significant symbols and an arrangement dictated by the
form of the decorative field.
While the Eskimo of Arctic America, the Chukchee and Koryak
of Siberia, the Negroes and many other people use carvings in the
round which serve no practical ends, but are made for the sake of
representing a figure,— man, animal, or supernatural being,— almost
all the work of the Indian artist of the region that we are considering
serves at the same time a useful end. When making simple totemic
figures, the artist is free to shape his subjects without adapting them
to the forms of utensils, but owing to their large size, he is limited
by the cylindrical form of the trunk of the tree from which they
are carved. The native artist is almost always restrained by the
shape of the object to which the decoration is applied.
The technical perfection of carvings and paintings, the exactness
and daring of composition and lines prove that realistic representa-
! The present chapter is a revised edition of my essay, “The Decorative Art of
the Indians of the North Pacific Coast of America" (Bulletin American Museum of
Natural History, Vol. IX, pp. 123—176, 1897).
184 Artofthe North Pacific Coast of North America
tions are not beyond the powers of the artist. This may also be
demonstrated by a few exquisite examples of realistic carvings. The
helmet shown in fig. 154 is decorated with the head of an old man
affected with partial paralysis. Undoubtedly this specimen must be
considered a portrait head. Nose, eyes, mouth and the general
expression, are highly characteristic. In a mask (fig. 155) repre-
senting a dying warrior, the artist has shown faithfully the wide
Fig. 155. Mask representing
Fig. 154. Tlingit helmet. dying warrior, Tlingit.
lower jaw, the pentagonal face, and the strong nose of the Indian.
The relaxing muscles of mouth and tongue, the drooping eyelids,
and the motionless eyeballs, mark the agonies of death. Plate IX
represents a recent carving, a human figure of rare excellence. Posture
and drapery are free of all the formal characteristics of North West
coast style. Only the treatment of the eye and the facial painting
betray its ethnic origin. Here belongs also the realistic head previously
referred to, made by the Kwakiutl Indians of Vancouver Island (fig. 156),
which is used in a ceremony and intended to deceive the spectators
who are made to believe that it is the head of a decapitated dancer.!
* The selection of North West Coast art given by Herbert Kühn (Die Kunst der
Primitiven, pp. 100, 104, Plates 48, 50, 51 are characteristic only of realistic repre-
sentations. Only Plates 47, 49 and part of 52 are stylistically typical).
z IX.
PLATE
Ee SE ipe
Carved Figure, British Columbia.
—— a ——
À
©
e
>
z
=
BERLIN.
A IA M Les fes EPSON SE m
bb ce a A ES AH ed ms rh A il
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 185
When the artist desires realistic truth he is quite able to attain it. This
is not often the case; generally the object of artistic work is decorative
and the representation follows the principles developed in decorative art.
When the form of the decorative field permits, the outline of the
animal form is retained. The size of ine head is generally stressed
as against that of the body and
of the limbs. Eyes and eyebrows,
mouth and nose are given great
prominence. In almost all cases
the eyebrows have a standardized
form, analogous to that in which the
Indian likes to trim his own eye-
brows,— with a sharp edge on the
rim of the orbits, and a sharp angle
in the upper border, the brows being
widest at a point a little outward
from the center, tapering to the
outer and inner angles and ending
quite abruptly at both ends. The
eye is also standardized. In many
cases it consists of two outer curves
which indicate the borders of the Pig. 156, Carved head used in
upper and lower eyelids. A large ceremonial, Kwakiutl Indians.
inner circle represents the eyeball.
The lip lines are always distinct and border a mouth which is given
an extraordinary width. Generally the lips are opened wide enough
to show the teeth or the tongue. Cheeks and forehead are much
restricted in size. The trunk is not elaborated. The ears of animals
rise over the forehead (fig. 157). These are almost always applied in
reproductions of mammals and birds, while they are generally missing in
those of the whale, killer-whale, shark and often also of the sculpin.
The human ear is represented in its characteristic form, on a level
with the eye (figs. 207 and 209, pp. 217, 218). Whales and fish often
have round eyes, but exceptions occur (figs. 233, 234, 235, pp. 229—231).
=
at NU IU EE ES EN I
186 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
For clear presentation of the principles of this art it seems advantage-
ous to treat the symbolism and the adjustment of the animal form
to the decorative field before taking up the purely formal elements.
Fig. 157 a is a figure from the model of a totem pole, which re-
presents the beaver. Its face is treated somewhat like a human
face, particularly the region around eyes and nose. The position of
a b Fig. 159. Headdress
Fig.157. Carvings repres- representing beaver;
enting the beaver from Fig. 158. Carving from handle adragonfly isshown
models of Haida totem of spoon representing beaver, on the chest of the
poles carved in slate. Tlingit. beaver, Haida.
the ears, however, indicates an animal head. The two large incisors
serve to identify the rodent par excellence,—the beaver. The tail
is turned up in front of the body. It is ornamented by cross-
hatchings which represent the scales on the beaver's tail. In its
forepaws it holds a stick. The nose is short and forms a sharp
angle with the forehead. The nostrils are large and indicated by
spirals. The large incisors, the tail with cross-hatchings, the stick,
and the form of the nose are symbols of the beaver and the first
two of these are sufficient characteristics of the animal.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 187
Fig. 157 b is another representation of a beaver from the model
of a totem pole. It resembles the former one in all details, except
that the stick is missing. The beaver is merely holding its three-
toed forepaws raised to the chin. In other carvings the beaver is
shown with four or five toes, but the symbols described here
never vary. . |
On the handle of a spoon (fig. 158), the head and forepaws of
the beaver are shown; and in its mouth are indicated an upper pair
of incisors, all the other teeth being omitted. The scaly tail is shown
on the back of the spoon. The nose differs from the one previously
described only in the absence of the spiral development of the nostril.
Its form and size agree with the preceding specimens.
In the centre of the front of a dancing head-dress (fig. 159), a
beaver is represented in squatting position. The symbols mentioned
before will be recognized here. The face is human, but the ears,
which rise over the forehead, indicate that an animal is meant. Two
large pairs of incisors occupy the center of the open mouth. The
tail, with cross-hatchings, is turned up in front of the body, and
appears between the two hind legs. The forepaws are raised to the
height of the mouth, but they do not hold a stick.! The nose is
short, with large round nostrils and turns abruptly into the forehead.
On the chest of the beaver another head is represented over which
a number of small rings stretch upward. This animal represents the
dragon-fly, which is symbolized by a large head and a slender seg-
mented body.? Its feet extend from the corners of its mouth towards
the haunches of the beaver. Its face resembles a human face; but
the two ears, which rise over the eyebrows, indicate that an animal
is meant. In many representations of the dragon-fly there are
two pairs of wings attached to the head. Combinations of two
animals similar to the present one are found frequently, as in
figs. 165, 170 and 235.
1 For additional representations of the beaver see figs. 216, 225, 228, 229, 230,
255, 283.
? See p. 192.
188 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
In a painting from a Kwakiutl housefront (fig. 160), which was
made for me by an Indian from Fort Rupert, the large head with
the incisors will be recognized. The scaly tail appears under the
mouth. The broken lines (1) around the eyes, indicate the hair of
Fig. 161. Fig. 162,
Fig. 161. Halibut hook with
design representing a sculpin
swallowing a fish, Tlingit.
AS
Silvey A i:
Fig. 162. Part of a totem pole
Fig. 160. Painting for a housefront placed over the with design representing a
door, representing the beaver, Kwakiutl Indians. sculpin, Tsimshian.
the beaver. The design on each cheek (3) the bones of the face,
the high point of the nose (2) its sudden turn. The nostrils are
large and round as in the specimens described before. Under the
corners of the mouth are the feet. The meaning of the two orna-
ments over the head is doubtful.
A carved halibut-hook (fig. 161) is decorated with the design of
the sculpin. The symbols of the fish are fins and tail, those of the
sculpin, two spines rising over its mouth, and a joined dorsal fin.
The sculpin is represented swallowing a fish, the tail of which pro-
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 189
trudes from its mouth. The two spines appear immediately over
the lips, their points being between the two eyes which are repres-
ented by two circles with small projections. The two pectoral fins
are indicated over the eyes. The joined dorsal fin extends from the
eyes upward toward the narrowest part of the body. The tail of
the animal extends toward the place where point and shank of
the hook are bound together by means of a strip of spruce root.
The same animal is repres-
ented in a slightly different way
on the lower portion of a totem
pole (fig. 162). The: lowest
figure is probably the sun, or
perhaps a starfish. Its arms
extend upward, and are held
in the mouth by a sculpin,
standing head downward, back
forward, and tail extending up-
ward. Two crescent-shaped
ornaments above the corners Fig. 163. Woolen legging with appliqué
of the mouth represent the gills designs representing sculpin, Haida.
of the fish. Above these are
the pectoral fins. On the level of the pectoral fins towards the middle
appear the symbols of the sculpin, two spines, the lower portions of
which are decorated with small human faces. The round eyes are
placed just under the spines. The dorsal fin commences at the height
of the eyes, and merges into the tail which is clasped by a human
figure cut in two by the fish tail. This carving is also characterized
by two symbols,——the two spines and the joined dorsal fin.
On a legging made of blue cloth (fig. 163) the sculpin is shown
in red cloth appliqué. Its teeth, eyes, and dorsal fin are represented
by buttons of abalone shell. Two small triangles cut out to the right
and left of the mouth represent the gills. Immediately over the eyes,
and extending toward the middle of the back, are the two spines,
indicated by two slender triangular pieces of red cloth cut out in
190 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North American
their middle parts. The pectoral fins are indicated by two broader
pieces of red cloth extending from the eyes outward and upward
toward the margin of the body of the fish, the dorsal fin by the long
slits along the back of the animal. The species is characterized by
the two spines which appear over the eyes.!
In facial paintings the sculpin is generally indicated by the two
spines which are painted just over the lips (fig. 164).
Figs. 165—168 represent the hawk which is symbolized by an
enormous hooked beak, curved backward so that its slender point
touches the chin. In many cases the face of the bird is that of a
human being, the nose being given the shape of the symbol of the
hawk. It is extended in the form of a beak, and drawn back into
the mouth, or merged into the face below the lower lip.
On the head-dress, fig. 165, the upper, larger face is that of the
hawk. The face in human; but the ears, which rise over the fore-
head, indicate that an animal is meant. The body is small, and is
hidden behind the face of a seamonster with bear’s head and flippers.
The wings of the hawk are grasped by the arms of the seamonster
whose flippers may be seen over the arms.
Fig. 166 is the handle of a spoon on which is represented the
head of a hawk, symbolized by its beak. The top of the spoon
represents a man who is holding a small animal with a segmented
body, which may represent the dragon-fly, although the head seems
rather smaller than usual. 2
In figs. 167 and 168 the same symbols of the hawk will be re-
cognized. It is worth remarking that in most of these specimens
the mouth is entirely separated from the beak and has the form
of the toothed mouth of a mammal. A characteristic form of the
hawk’s beak is shown in the facial painting fig. 169.
Fig. 170, the front of a head-dress representing the eagle, is quite
similar to the forms of preceding series; but it differs from them in
that the beak of the bird is not turned back so as to touch the face,
* For additional representations of the sculpin see figs. 206, 219, 224, 262.
? See also figs. 207, 243, 257.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 191
a
Sr =
/ S ^N
| Im
mm
b
Fig. 164. Fig. 165. Fig. 166. Fig. 167.
Fig. 164. Facial painting representing the sculpin, Haida.
Fig. 165. Headdress representing a hawk. Tsimshian.
Fig. 166. Handle of a spoon made of mountain-goat horn; lowest figure representing
a hawk; upper figure representing a man holding a dragon-fly, probably Tsimshian.
Fig. 167. Rattle with design of a hawk, Tlingit.
Fig. 168. Fig. 169. Fig. 170.
Fig. 168. Dish made of horn of bighorn sheep, Tlingit.
Fig. 169. Facial painting representing hawk, Haida.
Fig. 170. Headdress representing an eagle bearing a frog on its chest, Tsimshian.
DOOR EE EEUU I.
SEER
192 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
but ends in a sharp point extending downward, and that there is no
mammal mouth indicated. The wings of the eagle are shown ex-
tending from the border of its body inward. The
shoulder joint is indicated by the head of a human
figure which is ornamentally carved on the wings.
The feet are seen at the sides of the lower border
of the carving, under the wings. On the body of
the eagle is a rather realistic carving of a toad.
An eagle is also shown on top of the Haida house
post (fig. 171). The wings are turned in in front
of the body and the curves of the lower figures
fit into the curved side. !
In figs. 172 and 173 I give two representations
of the hawk (or fish hawk) made by the Kwakiutl.
The treatment is different from that of the Haida,
but the sharply curved beak is found here also.
On the paddle (fig. 172), (1) represents the eye-
brow and ear, (2) the cheek, (3) the wing, (4) the
beak. Fig. 173 is taken from a painting on a settee.
On the back is shown a man with ears (4) over
the head, like those of the Haida animals. (I) is
the navel, (2) the wrinkles running down from the
nose to the corners of the mouth, (3) is painting
on the cheeks. The head of the hawk is placed
on each side of the human figure. On the lower
border of the settee is the lower jaw (5), over the
eyes the feathers on the head (6), the eye next
Fig.171. Housepost to the head on the side wing of the settee, is
representing eagle the shoulder joint. The bone of the wing is
above, cormorant É : :
below, Haidé. shown in (7), the long wing feather in (8), the
feathers of the body in (9).
The dragonfly is represented with a large head, a long segmented
body and two pairs of wings. The representation on the headdress,
! See also fig. 215.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 193
P EIE)
TRA
E IP LES
e
Fig. 173.
Fig. 172. Painting on paddle representing hawk, Kwakiutl.
Fig. 173. Painting on back and one end of a settee repre-
senting man and hawk, Kwakiutl.
Fig. 175.
Fig. 174. Handle of spoon of mountain-goat horn re-
presenting dragon-fly.
Fig. 175. Berry spoon with engraving representing
dragon-fly.
fig. 159, has been referred to before. The
head is human but provided with animal ears.
It has also been mentioned that the animal
with segmented body in fig. 166 may be a
dragonfly, although it is lacking the wings.
According to Edensaw, the spoon handle
(fig. 174) also represents the dragonfly. It has
a strongly curved beak; wings are placed
under the lower jaw and the segmented body forms the tip of the
handle. A particularly good representation of a dragonfly is found
13 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
=
A
194 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
on the Haida berry spoon! (fig. 175). Attention should be called
to the spiral proboscis on this specimen.
The most important characteristic of the killerwhale as represented
by the Haida is the long dorsal fin,—often with white circle or white
stripe in the middle, and a face or eye indicating a joint at the base.
The head is elongated, the mouth long and square in front. The
nostril is large, high, and at the same time elongated. The distance
from the mouth to the eyebrow is long and on totem poles and spoon
handles the head is always so placed that the long snout points
downward. When seen in profile the front of the face is square on
account of the forward extension of the nose over the front part of
the mouth. The eye is generally round but sometimes surrounded
by elongated lid lines with sharp inner and outer corners. Some-
times the blow-hole is shown by a circular spot over the forehead.
In fig. 176 are shown a few representations of the killer-whale as
found on handles of spoons made of mountain goat horn. In (a)
and (b) the dorsal fin rises immidiately over the head of the animal.
The inverted face in (b) probably represents the blow-hole. In (a)
and (c) the fins are folded forward; in the latter specimen the tail
is turned up in front on the body. On the rattle (fig. 177) the
characteristic large head with steep face appears. The mouth is set
with large teeth; the eye is round. In front of the dorsal fin is a
blow-hole. The Haida float (fig. 178) is abnormal in so far as it
has a very small dorsal fin (see also fig. 182 d),
A number of Kwakiutl masks. and dishes representing the killer-
whale are shown in fig. 179. Although there are some differences
in the treatment of the animal, the main features are common to
both tribes. All these specimens, except h, have the dorsal fin;
the last named specimen shows the head only. The long, high nose
is found in. all except in c, d, e. The high, steep face is common to
all of them. Fig. e, a large house dish,? is said to represent the
' These flat,wooden spoons are used for eating soapberries which are beaten to a foam.
* These dishes are used in great feasts. Some of them are of enormous size.
They are emblems of the family of the houseowner.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 195
Fig. 176. a—e Carvings from handles of spoons of mountain-goat horn
representing killer-whale, Tlingit.
Fig. 177. Rattle representing Fig. 178. Wooden float representing
killer-whale, Haida. killer-whale, Haida.
|
Art of the North
Pacific Coast of North America
Fig. 179. Masks
Fig. 180. Helmet representing
the killer-whale, Tlingit.
Fig. 181. Carvings from the handles of spoons of
mountain-goat horn representing the bear.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 197
whale. It will be noticed that 5, c, d have round eyes while
in a and h the regular oblong eye is used. In e and g the
fundamental form of the eye is also round. Fig. 180 is a
Tlingit helmet which is characterized as the killer-whale by
the large mouth set with teeth, the sudden turn of the nose
towards the forehead, the fin made of hide which rises over
the crown of the head, and the fin which is painted on the
left cheek. Ordinarily the killer-whale has no ears. In facial
painting red under and on the lower
jaw up to a line running from the
angle of the jaw to a point a little
below the lips, represents the throat
of the killer-whale.
The bear is symbolized by a large
mouth set with many teeth, often in
the act of swallowing some animal.
Very often the tongue protrudes.
The nostrils are high and round,
sometimes represented by spirals
(see also figs. 157, 175). On totem
poles and carved spoon handles
they are similar to those of the
killer-whale but do not extend quite
so far backward. There is a sharp
turn in the profile from the nose to
the fore-head. The paws are large
(fig. 181).
In fig. 182 three berry spoons are
shown which, according to Charles
Edensaw, represent the bear. Fig.
182 a is quite clear. At the end of
Fig. 182. Berry spons representing
bear; a, b, Tsimshian; c¢, Tlingit;
d, representing killer-whale.
the spoon is shown the head with an enormous ear (1), the size of
which is determined by the form of the spoon. Two teeth are
indicated by red curves (2). Under the mouth is a broad black
198 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
curve, the foreleg (3), and to the right of it (4) the fore-paw. The
lowest part represents the hindlegs. Fig. 182 b is not so clear.
The face in the middle is the hip joint, under it, to the right, the
thigh, to the left the paw with long claws. Edensaw considered the
design over the hip joint as the tail, the end as the head, but I
doubt the correctness of this interpretation. The end of the spoon
looks more like the head of a sea monster and the design over the
hip joint like the fin. Fig. 182 c was also called a bear by the same
informant, while 182 d was called a killer-whale. I place these side
by side, because the formal agreement of the lower part is striking.
The right half of the base of 182 c has the characteristic form of the
dorsal fin of the killer-whale and corresponds to an analagous design
in fig. 182 d. In both cases the inverted eye above the “ fin” would
be the joint. The rest of the design consists of eye and flipper
elements that are not readily recognized. In 182 d the flat curves in the
middle may be the body; in front to the left the fin, and over it eye and
mouth. In 182 c the elements are still less clear. According to
Edensaw there is no head, only a tail at the upper end of the spoon.
There are quite a number of representations of the seamonster,
the form of which is partly that of a bear and partly that of a
killer-whale. In a number of cases the monster has a bear's head
(fig. 183) and body, but fins are attached to the elbows. In other
cases the head is that of a killer-whale and the body that of a bear.
In this form it appears on many horn spoon handles (fig. 184). In
still other cases the characteristics of bear and killer-whale are in-
termingled in other ways.
The frog is characterized by a wide toothless mouth, a flat nose,
and lack of a tail.
The following series (figs. 185—188) are representations of the
dogfish or shark. When the whole body of this animal is represented,
it is characterized by a heterocerc tail, a large mouth, the corners of
which are drawn downward, a series of curved lines on each cheek which
represent the gills, and a high tapering forehead imitating the inferior
position of the’ mouth. It is often decorated with two circles (the
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 199
Fig. 183. Carving representing a sea-
monster, Tlingit.
Fig. 185. Part of totem pole carved in
slate representing shark sourmounted by
Fig. 184. Carvings from handles an eagle, Haida.
of spoons made of mountain-goat Fig. 186. Handle of a dagger representing
horn representing a sea-monster. the head of a shark, Tlingit.
nostrils), and a series of curved lines (wrinkles) similar to the gill
lines on the cheeks. ;
Fig. 185 represents a shark devouring a halibut, from the upper
part of a totem pole. The head has the characteristic symbols, to
200 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
which are added here the numerous sharp teeth that are found
often, but not regulary, as symbols of the shark. The greater part
of the body has been omitted, since the animal is sufficiently iden-
tified by the symbols found on the head; but under the chin will
be noticed the two pectoral fins which identify it as a fish.
Fig. 186 is the handle of a copper dagger on which the mouth
with depressed corners, the curved lines on the cheeks, and the
ornament rising over the forehead, characterize the shark.
Fig. 187. Wooden pipe representing Fig. 188. Tattooing representing
a shark, Tlingit. a shark, Haida.
A small pipe (fig. 187) has the form of a shark. The square end
at the right-hand side is the face of the animal (fig. 187). Eyes
and mouth are inlaid with abalone shell. On account of the narrow-
ness of the face, the three curved lines generally found on the cheeks
are placed under the mouth. The forehead has the characteristic
high form described before. The opposite end of the pipe shows
the tail turned upward. On the sides are carved the pectoral fins,
which extend over the body of the pipe.
Fig. 188 is a copy of a tattooing on the back of a Haida woman.
Here we have only the outline of the head of a shark, again char-
acterized by the peculiar, high forehead, the depressed corners of
the mouth, and curved lines on each cheek.
The shark* (or dogfish) is found frequently on Haida carvings
and paintings. It is rare among the southern tribes.
! See also figs. 213, 214, 217, 232, 233, 261.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 201
The ts’um’os, the personified snag, is represented in a form sim-
ilar to the bear. According to Edensaw the form of the head
is analogous to that of the bear but the corners of the mouth are
drawn down like those of the dog fish (fig. 189). This is contra-
dicted by the representation of a third snag monster, in which
Fig. 189. Handles of spoons Fig. 190. Handles of spoons
representing sea-monster, made of mountain goat repres-
Haida. enting snail, Tlingit.
the mouth is square like that of the bear. The region behind the
mouth has, however, the characteristic curvature demanded by Eden-
saw. The fins of this being correspond to the concept of the sea-
monster.
In fig. 190 are represented two spoon handles, representing, ac-
cording to Edensaw, the snail. The characteristic feature seems to
be the long snout with its sudden, angular turn. The conventional
concept of the animal form with eye and nose is strikingly brought
out in this instance.
202 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
Let us briefly recapitulate what we have thus far tried to show.
Animals are characterized by their symbols, and the following
series of symbols has been described in the preceding remarks:
I. Of the beaver: large incisors; large, round nose; scaly tail; and
a stick held in the fore paws.
2. Of the sculpin: two spines rising over the mouth, and a con-
tinuous dorsal fin. :
3. Of the hawk: large, curved beak the point of which is turned
backward so that it touches the face.
4. Of the eagle: large, curved beak, the point of which is turned
downward.
5. Of the Killer-whale: large, long head; elongated large nostrils;
round eye; large mouth set with teeth ; blow-hole; and large dorsal fin.
6. Of the shark or dogfish: an elongated rounded cone rising
over the forehead; mouth with depressed corners; a series of curved
lines on the cheeks representing gills; two circles and curved lines
on the ornament rising over the forehead representing nostrils and
wrinkles; round eyes; numerous sharp teeth; and heterocerc tail.
7. Of the bear: large paws; and large mouth set with teeth; protruding
tongue; large, round nose; and sudden turn from snout to forehead.
8. Of the sea-monster: bear’s head; bear’s paws with flippers at-
tached; and gills and body of the killer-whale, with several dorsal
fins; or other mixtures of bear and killer-whale type.
9. Of the dragon-fly : large head; segmented, slender body ; and wings.
10. Of the frog: wide, toothless mouth; flat nose; and lack of tail.
11. Of the personified snag: like a bear with mouth depressed at
the corners like that of the dogfish.
12. Of the snail: long snout with sudden downward turn. !
I have had occasion to examine the Kwakiutl in greater detail in
regard to the symbols used in designating certain animals. One
artist gave me a series of eye patterns together with the adjoining
parts of the face and explained in what way each is characteristic
of the animal in question. These are shown in figs. 191 and 192.
* See also characterization of wolf, p. 207.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 203
| |! =
I | 6i
1 ) ^N
\ b X
ere rem = ee $
Fig. 191. Types of eyes of various animals, Kwakiutl; a, sea bear; b, grizzly bear;
€, beaver; d, wolf; e, eagle; f, raven; g, killerwhale.
The grizzly bear of the sea (a) has a large eye, the form of which
is not definitely determined, a very large, round nostril, large teeth
and a large ear. The grizzly bear (b) has a round eye with white
rim, smaller than that of the grizzly bear of the sea. The nose is
not round, but high, the teeth large but smaller than those of the
grizzly bear of the sea. The ear is small and pointed. The beaver (c)
has, besides the large incisors, a high, round nose and a very small
ear. The wolf (d) has a slanting, long eye; the ear is laid down
backward; he has many teeth. The eye of the eagle (e) has a white
crescent behind the eyeball, the nostril is slanting and placed high
up on the beak. The eye of the raven (f) is white in the center.
The killerwhale (g) has a very large eyebrow, a long eye and face, long
nose and a long mouth with many teeth. The whale (fig. 192 a)
has a round eye and nose. The sea-lion (b) has a round nose,
large teeth, the eye near to the nose and a small ear. The frog (c)
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
(& s. A.
em DO ER = —
“= G 5 A =
d e f zZ
Fig. 192. Types of eyes of various brings, Kwakiutl, a, whale; b, sea lion; c, frog;
d, double headed serpent; e, man; f, merman; 92, spirit of the sea.
has an elongated eye, flat mouth and flat nose. The fabulous double-
headed serpent (d) has a small eye like that of the wolf, a spiral
nose and a spiral plume. The eyes of a man, of the woodman, and
of the seaspirit who gives wealth, are shown in e, f, and g.
The Kwakiutl also claim as the standard for the bird's tail, a
joint with a single eye, although sometimes there may be two eye-
balls enclosed in one eye. The rounded feathers (fig. 193) are also
characteristics of the bird's tail. The tail of the whale, killer-whale,
and porpoise, on the other hand, has two joints and the flukes
have double curvatures on the inner side.
The Kwakiutl also claim a definite distinction between the designs
representing wing feathers and those representing fins, (fig. 194).
The wing feathers should be pointed; the fin, on the other hand,
has no point and is cut off square.
In figs. 195 and 196 are represented the characteristic elements
of the halibut and of the wolf. These elements are supposed to be
used by the Kwakiutl in the representation of these animals, se-
lected according to the requirements of the decorative feld. In the
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 205
figures here reproduced
they are given without
any reference to the de-
corative feld. Fig. 195
represents the halibut;
(1) the mouth and over
it the nose, (2) the eyes,
(3) the bone of the top
of the head and (4) the
side of the head. In (5)
are shown the gills; (6)
and (8) represent the
intestinal tract, and (7) is
the part of the intestinal
tract just under the neck;
(9) is the collar bone,
(10) the lateral fin, the
bones of which are shown
in (11). (12) is the clot-
ted blood that is found
in the dead halibut under
the vertebral column; (13)
represents the joint of the
tail, (14) part of the bone
in the tail, and (15) the
tip of the tail.
Fig. 196 represents, in
the same way, the wolf.
The head with the elevated
nose is easily recognized.
(1) represents the throat.
(2 The humerus con-
nected with the forearm
is shown in the lower
PSS
ed
=
N ^
Fig. 193. Styles of tails, Kwakiutl; above bird;
below sea mammals.
Fig. 194. Styles of wing designs and of fin
designs, Kwakiutl; above, fin; below, wing.
206 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
425
Fig. 196. Elements used in representing the wolf, Kwakiutl.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 207
left hand side of the pattern; (3) represents the collarbone, the four
circles (4) the backbone, (5) the back with hair. The three thin
slanting lines (6) are the ribs, (7) the sternum and the hooks over
it the intestinal tract, (9) is the hind leg, corresponding to (2),
(10) the toes, (11) the foot, (12) connects the backbone with the tail.
The thin lines (13) represent the hair of the tail, (14) is supposed to
be a second joint in the tail, (15) the hairy tail, and (16) the ears.
Fig. 197 represents the wolf, a painting from the bow of a canoe.
Here again the elevated
nose of the wolf will be
recognized. The hachure (1)
represents the pelvis, (2) and
(3) the intestinal tract, (4)
the humerus, (5) the cheek,
(6) the facial bones, and
(7) the ear.
An examination of carved
and painted specimens shows
clearly that this description
of symbols is theoretical
rather than rigidly norm-
ative, for in many cases. considerable freedom in their use
may be observed. An example of this kind is presented by the
wolf masks used by the Kwakiutl in the dance ,Brought-Down-
From-Above*! (fig. 198). Most of these have the slanting eye
and pointed ears. In one specimen, however, the ear is pointed
forward. The snout slants backward, the nose is high. The iden-
tity of treatment of the specimen shown in figs. d and f is inter-
esting. The former was collected by Captain Adrian Jacobsen,
1884, and the latter by Captain Cook more than a hundred years
earlier. The double mask, fig. a, resembles them in general shape,
Fig. 197. Painting from bow of a canoe,
representing the wolf.
1 See Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians, An-
nual Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p. 477, illustrations
p. 493, Plate 37.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
AULAM VUES :
io LTD DI NND DA
DEA A A dt
h
Fig. 198. Masks and dishes representing the wolf, Kwakiutl.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 209
but the eye is treated quite differently and the
ear, while narrow, is not pointed and the back-
ward slant of the snout is not sufficiently
pronounced. The double headed wolf dish (6),
has small reclining ears and long eyes. The
ears Of figs. c, d, e, are small and recline,
but the eye of c and.d is rounded.
The forms of animals used by the northern
tribes vary considerably also. It is not safe
to base our arguments on models or on objects
made for the trade. I shall use, therefore,
exclusively, older specimens which have been
in usc.
Swanton! gives two interpretations of the
Haida house post fig. 199. He had two in-
formants; both explained the top figure as an
eagle but they differed as to the meaning of
the rest. The one claimed that the lower part
of the pole represented the story of a woman
being carried away by a killer-whale. The
woman's face shows just below the eagle's
beak, and the whale's blow-hole is represented
by a small face above the face of the killer-
whale. The second informant, however, ex-
plained. the large face at the bottom as that
of a grizzly bear, presumably meaning thereby,
the sea-grizzly bear; and the small figure
over it as the ,sea ghost“. which usually
rides upon its back. The woman's face he left
unexplained. From an objective point of view,
the face at the base of the pole appears as a
grizzly bear's face. Attached to it on each side
! John. R. Swanton, The Haida, Publications of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V, p. 128.
14 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
Fig. 199. House-post,
Haida.
| 210 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
Eames
| | | Fig. 200. Designs from a set of gambling sticks. |
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
211
Fig. 201. Designs from a set of gambling sticks.
212 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
are the ears and above these, the flippers. Just under the talons of the
eagle is found the inverted tail of a fish or aquatic mammal, which
presumably belongs to the figure at the bottom, although it seems
rather small. It seems doubtful whether the upper face, to which
belong the two hands just under it and the legs, in squatting posi-
tion below the tail, is that of a woman because there ought to be
a large labret in the lower lip. Furthermore, the face has animal
ears so that it does not seem likely that the intention of the artist
was to represent a woman.
It is true that in some other cases in which this same story is
represented,* the person sitting on the back of the killer-whale has
no labret, while in other cases it is shown. Obviously in this case
the symbolism is not clear enough to enable an Indian who does
not know the artist or who does not know the meaning of the
carving, to interpret it correctly.
The uncertainty of interpretation becomes the greater the more
fragmentary the figure. À set of gambling sticks which in 1897 I
submitted to the best carver and painter (Charles Edensaw) among
the Haida, could not be satisfactorily interpreted by him (figs. 200,
201). For example: Number 35 he recognized as a series of three
dorsal fins without being able to tell to what animal they belonged.
Number 36 he explained as a shoulder on the right, and a tail on
the left, but he was unable to identify the particular animal. Num-
ber 37 he explained, hesitatingly, as a mosquito. For the following
group he felt quite unable to give any satisfactory explanation.
The uncertainty of explanation appears particularly clearly in the
interpretation of Chilkat blankets. I give here a few examples ac-
cording to Lieutenant George T. Emmons. ?
The blanket shown in fig. 202 represents a bear with young.
The large central figure represents the male bear; the two in-
* See Swanton, The Haida, pl. 15, fig. 1 where the woman is shown without
labret while in the specimen pl. 14, fig. 5, she wears a large labret.
* George T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, Memoirs of the American Museum
of Natural History, Vol. 3. Part 4, N. Y. 1907, pp. 352, 369, 372, 377, and 387.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 213
verted eyes in the middle of the lower border, with the adjoining
elongated designs with round tips, the hind quarters of the bear
and the legs; the three heads in the middle of the upper margin,
the female and the young bears. The central head in the middle
of the upper margin was
also explained as the
forehead of the bear.
The lateral panels re- | ng
present each a young Jn = =
; s CE E
bear. The design along E T
the lower border of the
lateral panel is the fresh-
water stream on which
the bear lives. Accord-
ing to John R. Swanton
the blanket represents
the sea grizzly bear. The
explanation of the prin-
cipal parts is the same
as that given by Lieut- ,
enant Emmons, except
that the three heads in
the middle along the
upper border were ex- Fig. 203. Chilkat blanket.
plained, the middle one
as the top of the head, the lateral ones as ears. The wing designs
which extend sideways from the border, cutting into the middle
parts of the lateral panels, were explained as part of the forelegs,
representing, probably, the fins which are believed to be attached
to the arms of the sea grizzly bear. The two inverted eyes in the
lower border, with the ornaments attached to the right and left of
the eyes, were said to represent the hind legs.
The blanket shown in figure 203 represents, according to Emmons,
a female wolf and young. The body of the wolf is given the form
EEE E E MMEE
214 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
of a hawk; the two eyes and the wing designs between them, near
the lower border of the blanket, being the face of the hawk. The
double feather design over these eyes represents the hawk’s ears.
The face in the center of the lower border of the blanket repre-
sents the body, the wing feather designs extending downward under
the corners of the jaws of the wolf, the wings of the hawk. In the
lateral panels the young wolf is shown sitting up. These designs
represent probably at the same time, the sides and back of the
wolf’s body. According
to Swanton the blanket
representsa youngraven.
The body of the raven is
occupied by two profiles
of ravens, represented
by the two large eyes
near the lower border
of the blanket. The face
in the centre of the lower
border is the raven's
tail. The lateral wing designs extending downward from under the
corners of the jaws of the large head, are the wings of the raven.
The lateral panels represent two young ravens in profile.
The blanket shown in fig. 204 shows, according to Emmons,
on top, a brown bear sitting up. On the body of the bear is a
raven's head. The hind-quarters are treated like a whale's head.
The eyes being at the same time the hip joints, the mouth the feet
of the bear. He was given another explanation: the principal
figure being explained as a whale, the head of which is below. The
body, which is turned up, is treated as a raven's head, and the tail
as a bear's head. The side panels are the sides and the back of
these animals, but represent at the same time, an eagle in profile
on top, and a raven in profile below. According to Swanton the
design represents a halibut. The head is below. The whole large
middle face represents the body; and the large face nearer the
Fig. 204. Chilkat blanket.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 215
upper border, the tail. The wing designs in the lateral panels,
next to the lowest head, are the small pectoral fins and the rest of
the lateral fields, the continuous border fin.
The blanket in Fig. 103 (p. 108) represents, according to Emmons,
a diving whale and the lateral fields a raven sitting. The head,
with nostrils and mouth, is shown below. The central face repre-
sents the body. The eyes near the upper border are the flukes of the
tail. The face designs at the sides of the body represent the fins.
In the lateral panels is
shown a raven sitting.
According to Swanton the
same blanket represents
a wolf with young. The
head is shown below.
The hind-legs and hip-
joints are represented by
two large eyes and the ;
adjoining ornaments along Fig. 205. Chilkat blanket.
the upper border, the two
dark segments just over the eye, being the feet. The face in the
middle of the design represents, as usual, the body of the animal.
The small eye design, with adjoining ear and wing feather designs,
in the middle on each side of the body, are interpreted as fore-leg
and foot. The lateral panels are explained as representing each a
young wolf sitting.
There are also considerable discrepancies in the explanation of
the blanket shown in fig. 205. According to Emmons it represents
a killer-whale. In each lower corner is one half of the head with
teeth; right in front of the teeth, the nostril; between the two halves
of the head, in the lower border of the blanket, the tail. The
inverted face in the middle of the upper border, represents the body.
The large square designs containing the goggle design, on each side, /
are interpreted as water blown out from the blow-hole. One half
of the dorsal fin is indicated by a small round wing feather design
216 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
in each upper corner, the human face in profile under it, repre-
senting one half of the blow-hole. According to Swanton a spirit
of the sea is represented. One half of the head is shown in each
Fig. 206. Model
of totem pole with
three figures re-
presenting, from
below upward;
sculpin, dog-fish,
and sea-monster;
Haida.
lower corner, the eye design in front of the tongue
being interpreted as chin. The two faces in the middle
of the lower border are explained as the young ones
of this sea spirit; the flicker feather designs over
them, as the inner part of the body of the old animal ;
the inverted large face in the middle of the upper
border, as its hat; the large square designs on each
side of this face, containing the goggle designs, as
the dorsal fin; the two human faces in profile near
the upper corners, the young ones whose bodies are
shown by the round feather design over the face.
Still another explanation of the same pattern was
given to me. In each lower corner is shown one
half of the head of a killer-whale. Its food is re-
presented by the eye design in front of the mouth.
The tail is below in the middle; the two halves of
the dorsal fin are just over the tail; the inverted face
in the middle of the upper border is the chest; the
adjoining square designs and the attached round feather
design are the flippers. Accordingly the profile faces
near the upper, outer corners should be the blow-holes.
These examples show clearly that there is ample
room for the fancy of the interpreter. The symbols
lend themselves to various explanations, which are
presumably selected in accordance with totemic affilia-
tions of the owner. Not all of them seem quite
consistent with the best northwest coast usage; for
instance, Swanton’s explanation of the last named
blanket seems doubtful on account of the inverted position of
the hat and the explanation of a single wing design as a body.
So far I have considered the symbols only in connection with
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 217
their use in representing various animals. It now becomes neces-
sary to inquire in what manner they are used to identify the
animals. We have seen that in a number of the preceding cases
entire animals were represented, and that they were identified by
means of these symbols. However, the artist is allowed wide lati-
tude in the selection of the form of the animal. Whatever its form
may be, as long as the recognized symbols are present, its identity
is established. We have
mentioned before that
the symbols are often
applied to human faces,
while the body of the
figure has the charac-
teristics ot the animal.
We find this principle
applied on the totem
pole, fig. 206. Each of the
three animals represent-
ed has a human face, to Fig. 207. Mask repres- Fig. 208. Mask with
which are added charac- enting the hawk, painting symbolizing
teristic symbols. Inthe Tlingit. the flicker, Tlingit.
top figure the ears indicate an animal; the arms, to which flippers are
attached, the sea-monster (see fig. 183). The next figure below re-
presents the shark. Originally a large lip with a labret was attached
to it. This would indicate that a female shark is represented. Its
symbols are the peculiar high snout which rises over its forehead, and
: the fins, which are placed under the chin. The body of the lowest
figure which is shown under the face represents a fish; and the
two large spines which rise over the eyebrows specify the sculpin.
In many cases the bodies of the animals are not represented and
the essential symbols are applied to a purely human face. This
style is found on masks and in facial paintings.
Fig. 207 has a human face with human ears. Only the nose
indicates that the mask is not intended to represent a human being.
218 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
It is strongly curved, and drawn back into the mouth, thus sym-
bolizing the hawk,
In fig. 208 we see the face of a woman with a moderately large
labret. The ears, as explained before, are those of an animal. The
nose, which has been lost, had undoubtedly the form of a bird's
beak. Thus the face was characterized as that of a bird. It was
specified partly by the
form of the beak, but
principally by the orna-
ments painted in red and
black on the cheeks and
fore-head. These repres-
ent the feathers of the
red-winged flicker,
A small mask repres-
enting a human face
(fig. 209) has, in place
of the eyebrows, two
Fig. 209. Mask with Fig. 210. Mask with rows of circles, the suck-
eyebrows symbolizing painting Symbolizing the ing-cups of the squid.
the squid, Tlingit. killer-whale, Tlingit. :
By means of this sym-
bol the face is recognized as that of the squid.
In the same manner the mask fig. 210 is identified as the killer-whale
by the two black ornaments painted on the left cheek and extending
down to the chin. They represent the dorsal fin of the killer-whale.
These symbols are also used as facial paintings and body paint-
ings by dancers, who are thus recognized as personifying the animal
in question, or as belonging to the social group with which the
animals are associated (see figs. 264, 265, pp. 250, 251). Sometimes
these symbols are attached to the garments. To this class belongs
the ornament (fig. 212), which represents the dorsal fin of a killer-
whale and which is worn attached to the back part of the blanket.
Having thus become acquainted with a few of the symbols of
animals, we will next investigate in wha: manner the native artist
SV NN
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Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 219
adapts the animal form to the object he intends to decorate. First
of all, we will direct our attention to a series of specimens which
show that he endeavors, whenever possible, to represent the whole
animal on the object that |
he desires to decorate. EN C50
Fig. 211 is a club used GED
for killing seals and halibut
before they are landed in Fig. 211. Wood carving representing the killer-
the canoe. The carving sows; TUE
represents the killer-whale. The dorsal fin, the principal symbol of
the killer-whale, cannot be omitted. If placed in an upright position
on the club, the implement would assume an awkward shape. There-
fore the artist bent it down along the side of the body, so that it
covers the flipper. The tail of the whale would have interfered with
the handle, and has been turned for-
ward and lies flat over the back.
The distortion of the body has been
carried still further in the handle of a
spoon (fig. 176 a, p. 195) which re-
presents the same animal. The large
head of the whale, to which the flippers
are attached is near the bowl of the
spoon. The body has been twisted back-
ward so that it is completely doubled up.
Therefore, the surface pattern of the tail
is carved on the back of the spoon, and
the two projections just below the mouth Fig. 212. Fig. 213.
are the two tips ofthe whale's tail. The Fig 212. Wood carving representing
dorsal fin extends upward fromthe head, Seed 6m ofthe Nillormale, TEinstt.
of the whale, between the legs of the Fi Zi Model ef 4 totem pole
3 ; representing a shark, Haida.
man who forms the tip of the handle.
Fig. 213 is a small totem pole representing the shark. The tip
of its tail forms the top of the pole, while the face is placed at
its lower end. Since most of the symbols of the shark are found
220 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
on its face,
it was necessary to bring the face into such a position
as to be seen in front view, but the artist also desired to show the
Fig. 214.
Speaker's staff
representing a
shark, Tlingit.
back of the fish. For this reason the head has been
twisted around entirely, so that it appears in front view
over the back of the fish. The flippers are made visible
by having been pushed backward far beyond the place
to which they properly belong.
The speaker's staff (fig. 214), which also represents
the shark, has been distorted in the same manner; but
here the head has been turned round entirely, so that it
faces the back of the fish. The pectoral fins are shown
below the chin.
On the berry spoon (fig. 215) is an eagle whose head
which is turned back completely. The small wing oc-
cupies the field under the head. The upper margin with
geometrical decoration represents the body under which
the hip joint, leg and feet are shown.
The changes of position and of the relative sizes of
parts of the body, which result from such adaptations
to the form of the object to be decorated, are still more
far-reaching in the following specimens.
On a halibut-hook (fig. 216) carved with a design of
the beaver, the two incisors, the symbols of the beaver,
have been moved to the same side of the mouth. In
reality only one of the incisors is visible in profile, but
being important symbols, both are shown.
Fig. 217 is a shark represented on the top of a totem
pole. The head of the animal is shown in the form of
a human face with the characteristic symbols. Under the
chin are two flippers. The body must be considered
turned upward; but it has been shortened so much that
only the tail remains, which rises immediately above the face.
On a wooden dancing-hat (fig. 218) the symbols of the killer-
whale are attached to its head. Since the whole body has been
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 221
omitted, the dorsal fin, the essential symbol, has been moved from
the back to the head, and the flippers are attached to the head
behind the eyebrows.
In all these cases the artist has taken great liberties with the form
of the animal body, and has treated it so that the symbols become
clearly visible. On the whole, he endeavors to represent the whole
animal. When this is not possible, all its essential parts are shown.
The insignificant parts are often omitted.
Farreaching distortions result from the adjustment of the animal body
to the decorative field and from the necessity of preserving its symbols.
Fig. 219 is the top view of a wooden hat on which is carved the
figure of a sculpin. The animal is shown in top view, as though
ORO SS
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Fig. 215. Berry Spoon with design Fig. 216. Halibut hook representing
representing the eagle. a beaver, Tlingit.
Fig. 218. Fig. 219.
Fig. 217. Part of totem pole representing a shark, Haida.
3 Fig. 218. Dancing-hat representing a killer-whale, Tsimshian. :
Fig. 219. Wooden hat with carving representing the sculpin.
222 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
it were lying with its lower side on the hat. The dancing-hats of
these Indians have the forms of truncated cones. To the top are
. attached a series of rings, mostly made of basketry, which indicate
the social rank of the owner, each ring symbolizing a step in the
social ladder. The top of the hat, therefore, does not belong to the
decorative field, which is confined to the surface of the cone. The
artist found it necessary, therefore, to open the back of the sculpin
far enough to make room for the gap in the decorative field. He
has done so by representing the animal as seen from the top, but
split and distended in the
middle, so that the top of
opening thus secured.
Fig. 220 represents a dish
in the shape of a seal.
The whole dish is carved
Fig. 220. Grease dish representing seal. in the form of the animal;
but the bottom, which cor-
responds to the belly, is flattened, and the back is hollowed out
so as to form the bowl of the dish. In order to gain a wider rim
the whole back has been distended so that the animal becomes
inordinately wide as compared to its length. The flippers are carved
in their proper positions at the sides of the dish. The hind flippers
are turned back, and join the tail closely. A similar method of
representation is used in decorating small boxes. The whole box
is considered as representing an animal. The front of the body is
painted or carved on the box front; its sides, on the ‚sides of the
box; the hind side of the body, on the back of the box (see figs.
282 et seq., p. 270). The bottom of the box is the animal's stomach ;
the top, or the open upper side, its back. These boxes are bent of a
single piece of wood and are represented here unbent.
In the decoration of silver bracelets a similar principle is followed,
but the problem differs somewhat from that offered in the decora-
tion of square boxes. While in the latter case the four edges make
the hat is located in the .
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 223
a natural division between the four views of the animal,— front and
right profile, back and left profile,—there is no such sharp line of
division in the round bracelet, and there would- be great difficulty
in joining the four aspects artistically, twowhile profiles offer no such
difficulty. This is the method of representation adopted by the
native artists (figs. 221; 255—257 p. 245). The animal is imagined cut
"in two from head to tail, so that the two halves cohere only at the |
tip of the nose and at the tip of the tail. The hand is put through
this hole, and the animal now surrounds the wrist. In this position
it is represented on the
bracelet. The method
adopted is therefore
identical with the one
applied inthe tat (fig. Fig. 221. Design on a bracelet representing a bear,
219), except that the i Nass River Indians.
- central opening is much
larger, and that the animal has been represented on a cylindrical
surface, not on a conical one.
An examination of the head of the bear shown on the bracelet
(fig. 221), makes it clear that this idea has been carried out rigidly.
It will be noticed that there is a deep depression between the eyes,
‘extending down to the nose. This shows that the head itself must
not be considered a front view, but as consisting of two profiles
which adjoin at mouth and nose, while they are not in contact with
each other on a level with the eyes and forehead. The peculiar
ornament rising over the nose of the bear, decorated with three
rings, represents a hat with three rings which designate the rank
of the bearer.
We have thus recognized that the representations of animals on
dishes and bracelets (and we may include the design on the hat,
fig. 219) must not be considered as perspective views, but as
representing complete animals more or less distorted and split.
The transition from the bracelet to the painting or carving of
animals on a flat surface is not a difficult one. The same principle
— —
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224 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
is adhered to; and either the animals are represented as split in
. two so that the profiles are joined in the middle, or a front view
of the head is shown with two adjoining profiles of the body. In.
the cases considered heretofore the animal was cut through and
through from the mouth to the tip of the tail. These points were .
allowed to cohere, and the animal was stretched over a ring, a cone,
or the sides of a prism. If we imagine the
bracelet opened, and flattened in the man-
ner in which it is shown in fig. 221, we
have a section of the animal from mouth
to tail, cohering only at the mouth, and
the two halves spread over a flat surface.
This is the natural development of the
method here described when applied to the
decoration of flat surfaces.
It is clear that on flat surfaces this method
allows of modifications by changing the
method of cutting. When the body of a long
animal, such as that of a fish or of a standing quadruped, is cut in
this manner, a design results which forms a long narrow strip.
This mode of cutting is therefore mostly applied in the decoration
of long bands. When the field that is to be decorated is more
nearly square, this form is not favorable. In such cases a square
design is obtained by cutting quadrupeds sitting on their haunches
in the same manner as before, and unfolding the animal so that
the two halves remain in contact at the nose and mouth, while the
median line at the back is to the extreme right and to the
extreme left.
Fig. 222 (a Haida painting) shows a design which has been
obtained in this manner. It represents a bear. The enormous
breadth of mouth observed in these cases is brought about
by the junction of the two profiles of which the head consists.
This cutting of the head is brought out most clearly in the painting
Fig. 222. Painting represent-
ing bear, Haida.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 225
fig. 223, which also represents the bear. It is the painting on
the front of a Tsimshian house, the circular hole in the middle of
the design being the door of the house. The animal is cut from
back to front, so that only the front part of the head coheres. The
two halves of the lower jaw do not touch each other. The back
is represented by the black outline on which the hair is indicated
Fig. 223. Painting from a house-front Fig. 224. Wooden hat painted with the
representing a bear, Tsimshian. design of a sculpin, Haida.
by fine lines. The Tsimshian call such a design “bears meeting“,
. as though two bears had been represented.
In a number of cases the designs painted on hats must also be
explained as formed by the junction of two profiles. This is the
case in the painted wooden hat (fig. 224), on which the design of
a sculpin is shown. It will be noticed that only the mouth of the
‘animal coheres, while the eyes are widely separated. The spines
rise immediately over the mouth. The flippers are attached to the
corners of the face, wbile the dorsal fin is split into halves, each
half being joined to an eye.
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226 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
The beaver (fig. 225) has been treated in the same manner. The
head is split down to the mouth, over which rises the hat with
four rings. The split has been carried back to the tail, which,
Fig. 227. Tattooing representing
a raven, Haida.
Fig. 226. Tattooing representing
a duck, Haida.
however, is left intact, and turned up towards the centre of the
hat. The importance of the symbols becomes very clear in this
specimen. If the two large black teeth which are seen under the
four rings, and the tail with the cross-hatchings, were omitted, the
figure would represent the frog.
In other designs the cut is made in the opposite direction from
the one described heretofore. It passes from the chest to the back,
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 227
and the animal is unfolded so that the two halves cohere along the
middle line of the back. This has been done in the Haida tat-
tooings figs. 226 and 227, the former representing the duck, the
latter the raven. In both the tail is left intact. The duck has been
split along the back so that the two halves of the body do not
cohere except in their lowest. portions, while the two halves of the
raven are left in contact up to the head,
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Fig. 228. Dancing-apron woven of mountain- Fig. 229. Painted legging with
goat wool, design representing : design representing a beaver sitting
a beaver, Tsimshian. on a man’s head, Haida.
Fig. 228 is a dancing-apron woven from mountain-goat wool, and
fastened to a large piece of leather, the fringes of which are set with
puffin beaks. The woven design represents the beaver. Its symbols, the
two pairs of incisors and the scaly tail, are clearly represented. While
in most carvings and paintings the tail is turned upward in front of the
body, it is hanging down here between the two feet. The meaning of
the ornaments in the upper part of the apron to the right and to the
left of the head is not quite clear to me, but, if they are significant at all,
I believe they must be considered as the back of the body split and
folded along the upper margin of the blanket. If this explanation is
correct, we have to consider the animal cut into three pieces, one cut
running along the sides of the body, the other one along the back.
Fig. 229 shows the design on a leather legging, a beaver squatting
on a human head. In this specimen we observe that the proportions
228 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
of the body have been much distorted owing to the greater width
of the legging at its upper part. The head has been much enlarged
in order to fill the wider portion of the decorative field.
The gambling-leather (fig. 230) is treated in a similar manner.
It represents the beaver, and must probably be explained as the
animalcut in two. The
symbols,— the large
incisors and a scaly
tail, — appear. here as
in all other representa-
tions of the beaver, but
the lower extremities
have been omitted. It
might seem that this
design could be ex-
plained as well as a
front view of the an-
imal, but the deep de-
eT)
Ss
VEN
i ZO Sy E TE de pression between the
T A a Monster with a E us head two yes is not in favor
beaver, Tlingit. and body of the killer, Haida. Of thisassumption. The
head consists undoubt-
edly of two profiles, which join at the nose and mouth; but the
cut has not been continued to the tail, which remains intact.
Fig. 231 is one of a pair of leggings embroidered with quills on
a piece of leather. The design, which represents the sea-monster
described in fig. 183, must also be explained as a representation of
the animal split along its lower side, and flattened. In the lower
portion of the legging the two profiles are seen, which are joined
on a level with the eyes, while the two mouths are separated. The
nostrils are shown in the small triangle below the line connecting
the two eyes. Owing to the shape of the legging, the arms are not
attached to the body, but to the upper part of the head. They
appear at the right and left borders of the legging, and are turned
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 229
inward along the lower jaws, the three-toed paws touching the low-
er border. The fins, which are supposed to grow out of the upper
part of the arms, adjoin the elbows, and are turned upward.
Another pair of fins,
which do not appear in
most representations of
this monster, are at-
tached to the upper
part of the back, and
form the two flaps to
the right and left of
the upper margin. On
the back we see a
series of circles, which
probably represent the
dorsal fin. The tail oc-
cupies the centre of the
upper margin. . The
smaller ornaments in
the outside corners of
the head, adjoining the
mouth, probably re-
present the gills.
In the following fig-
ures we find a new
cut applied. Figs. 232
and 233 represent the
shark. I explained, when discussing the symbols of the shark, that in the
front view of the animal the symbols are shown to best advantage. For
this reason side views of the face of the shark are avoided, and in
representing the whole animal a cut is made from the back to the lower
side, and the two sides are unfolded, leaving the head in front view.
The painting (fig. 232) has been made in this manner, the two
halves of the body being entirely separated from each other, and
Fig. 233. Slate dish design representing a shark, Haida.
—nÓÓ
230 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
folded to the right and to the left The heterocerc tail is cut in
halves, and is shown at each end turned downward. The pectoral fins
are unduly enlarged, in order to fill the vacant space under the head.
The shark which is shown in fig. 233 is treated in a slightly
different manner. Again the head is left intact. The cut is made
from back to chest, but the two halves of the animal are not sepa-
rated. They cohere at the chest, and are unfolded in this manner,
so that the pectoral fins
and dorsal fins appear
to the right and left
of the body. The
heterocerc tail is not
clearly indicated in this
specimen.
The method of sec-!
tion applied in fig. 234
is still different. The
Fig. 234. Painting on edge of a blanket representing figure . represents a
a killer-whale, Tlingit. painting on the border
of a large skin blanket.
The animal here represented is the killer-whale. The upper painting
clearly represents the profile of the animal. The lower painting
represents the other profile, so that both the right and the left
halves are visible. Since there was no room for showing the dorsal
fin on the lower painting, it is indicated by a curved line on one
of the series of wider fringes at the lower border. It is remarkable
that the tails in the two halves of the animal are not drawn symmetri-
cally; but it is possible that this is due to a mistake on the part of
the painter, because the design is repeated on the opposite border of
the blanket in the same manner, but with symmetrical tails. The
two halves of the body differ in details, but their main features are
identical. The flipper is shown on a very large scale. It is attached
immediately behind the head, and extends to a point near the tail. Its
principal part is occupied by a face, in front of which an eye is shown.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 231
Animals are represented by means of sections not only on flat
surfaces; but also in round carvings in which one side cannot be
shown. This is the case on all totem poles, for the rear side of
the pole is not carved. Whenever all the
symbols of the animal can be shown on
the front of the totem pole, the animals
are apparently represented in their natural
position. But representations of animals,
the symbols of which would be placed
on the rear side of the totem pole, make
it clear that the artist actually splits the
animals along the rear of the totem pole,
and extends this cut in such a way that
the animal is spread along the curved
front of the pole. This will become clear
by a consideration of the following figures.
Fig. 235 represents a sea-monster with
a whale's body and bear's paws. It differs
from the monster discussed before in that
it has a whale’s head, and no fins at-
tached to the fore paws. It has, how-
ever, one large dorsal fin. The blow-
hole of the whale is shown over its
eyebrows. The tail is turned up in front
of the body, and the paws are raised in
front of the chest. The dorsal fin will
be recognized in the narrow strip, orna-
mented with a small ring, which slants
Fig. 235. Model of totem pole re-
presenting a sea-monster, Haida.
Fig. 236. Model of totem pole
representing a sculpin, Haida.
downward from the elbow towards the tail. An ornament of this
sort is shown on both sides of the carving. We see, therefore, that
the dorsal fin has been split, and is turned down along each side
of the body. This shows that the right and left margins of the
carved portion of the totem pole must be considered as the medial
line of the back, which has been split and pulled apart.
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232 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
The sculpin on the totem pole (fig. 236) is treated in the same
manner, but in this case the cut is made along the lower side of
the animal. The head is turned upward, so that the front view of
the face is seen when looking down upon the back of the fish. The
spines rise over nose and eyebrows. The pectoral
fins are shown over the eyebrows on the edge
of the carved portion of the pole, while the hind
portion of the lower part of the body occupies
the upper part of the margin of the pole.
The exceedingly intricate central figure on the
pole shown in fig. 237 must be explained in the
same manner as fig. 235. We see here the sea-
monster described before in fig. 183. It has a
.. bear's head, In each ear is placed a small human
figure the hands of which grasp the eyelid of the
monster, which they aré lifting. The tail (c) is turned
, upward in front óf the body, immediately over a
beaver's head which is the next lower figure on
the column. The dorsal fin (a) has been split, and
one-half of it is seen under the mouth of the bear,
indicated by a projection which is decorated with
a double circle. The fore paws of the animal (d)
are raised in front ot its chest, and appear under
the mouth. The fins which are attached to them (b)
are shown to the right and to the left of the
tail. The animal is swallowing another being, but
it is not clear what animal is meant. A fish-tail
pole roprossatind 2 and. a. hand: are deen protruding from the mouth.
sea-monster devour- ;
ing a fish, Haida, The space between the fore paws and the tail of
the sea-monster is occupied by an inverted bird,
which will be seen clearly when the figure is reversed. Its head is
shown with beak resting between the feet. The two wings (e) are ex-
tended, and reach from the fins of the fore arm of the monster to its
dorsal fin. The particular point brought out by this figure is the same as
zo
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Fig. 237. Model of totem
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 233
that which I tried to explain in considering fig. 235; namely, that the
two edges of the carved pole must be considered as the extended
medial line of the back of the animal that is represented on the pole.
These carvings make it clear that in paintings on hats, such as
shown in figs. 219, 224 and 225, and in flat figures, such as fig.
163, we must consider the outer rim of the figure as the distended
sides of a cut made along the lower side of the body. All of these
Fig. 238. Slate carving representing Fig. 239. Tattooing representing the fabulous
the sea-monster, Wasgo, Haida. sea-monster, Ts'um’a’ks, Haida.
distortions and sections of animals may be explained by the necessity
the artist felt of showing in his work all the symbols of the animal.
In most cases the symbols appear clearly in profiles of animals.
For this reason the artist, when representing profiles, has not endea-
vored to show both sides of the body. I will give here a series of
figures illustrating this point.
Fig. 238 represents the top of a box on which is carved the
sea-monster Wasgo. It has a wolf's head and body, and a large
dorsal fin. It is able to hunt in the sea as well as on land. The artist
has shown a profile of the animal with one foreleg and one hindleg,
the tail curled up over the back. The dorsal fin, which in most re-
presentations of this animal stands out vertically from the body, has
been laid down along the back in order to fit it into the decorative field.
Fig. 239 is a tattooing representing the sea-monster Tsum’a’ks,
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234 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
which is sometimes described as having a raven's body with a whale's
body attached to its head, and a fin attached to the raven's back. It
is shown in profile with one leg, the dorsal fin, and the tails of raven
Fig. 240. Slate dish with design represent- Fig. 241. Drum painted with design
ing a killer- whale, Haida. of an eagle, Tsimshian.
Fig. 242. Tattooing representing Fig. 243. Carving on the end of a food
the moon, Haida. tray representing a hawk, Tlingit.
and whale, twisted around so as to be seen from the side. In other
cases it is described as having a bear's head with the mouth of a shark.
| In fig. 240, which represents the design on a circular slate dish,
|we see a good case of the adaptation of a profile to the decorative |
field. The design represents a Kkiller-whale with two dorsal fins.
The animal is bent around the rim of the dish so that the head
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 235
touches the tail. The two dorsal fins are laid flat along the back,
while the large flipper occupies the centre of the dish.
Fig 241, which is the painting on the head of a drum, is a combi-
nation of front and side views. The head is turned sideways, while
the body, the outstretched wings, and the feet are shown in front
view. This method is found rarely in the art of the North Pacific
coast, and, so far as I am aware, almost exclusively in representations
of the eagle (see, however, fig. 239). The painting on the outer
ring of the drum-head is difficult to explain. It will be noticed
that the tail of the eagle occupies the lower centre of the ring. On
top we see the front view of a human figure, the arms of which,
.of diminutive size, are placed near the lower corners of the face,
while the hands are of very large size. The two sitting figures be-
low the two hands probably represent the back of the man who is
shown on top, but their connection with the peculiar fin-like figures
on the lower portion of the painting is not clear.
Fig. 242 is a tattooing representing the moon. In its lower portion
the crescent will be seen. 'In the dark portion of the moon a semi-
human figure is shown in profile, with one leg. One arm is extended.
downward, and one backward, as though he were lifting a heavy weight.
There are very few designs which can possibly be interpreted as
full-face views of animals. I explained before that the face of the
shark is always shown in this manner, because its symbols. appear
best in this position. The only other animal which is painted or
carved on flat surfaces in full front view is the hawk or thunder-
bird, whose symbol is the long beak which descends to the chin.
A number of carvings representing the thunder-bird were given in
figs. 165—168 (p. 191).
We find full-face representations of the thunder-bird frequently
used on dishes, on which the beak is indicated by a long wedge
which separates the mouth into two halves. It is, however, not
certain whether the artists consider this face always as a full front
view, because we often find (fig. 243) a depression between the two
eyes, corresponding to the depression which I described before
EEE
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236 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
when referring to the joining of the profiles of animals. It may be
that the long central wedge must be considered as the two halves
of the long descending beak, which join in the middle. It might be
expected, however, that in this case the beak would, at least some-
times, be carried on outward to the right and to the left below the
chin, corresponding to one-half of the beak seen in fig. 166 p. 191).
I have not observed a single specimen in which this is the case, and
therefore I am inclined to consider
the carvings of thunder-birds on
dishes as full front views.
This ornament may have origin-
ated in the following manner: Many
grease and food dishes have the
form of canoes. The canoe sym-
bolizes that a canoe-load of food is
presented to the guests; and that
this view is probably correct is
Fig. 244. Painting from a house-front indicated byte fac that the host
representing thunder bird, Kwakiutl. !N his speeches sometimes refers
to the canoe filled with food which
he gives to his guests. The canoe form is often modified, and a
whole series of types may be established forming the transition
between canoe dishes and ordinary trays. Dishes of this sort
always bear a conventionalized face at each short end, while the
middle part is not decorated. This is analogous to the style of the
decoration of the canoe. On the whole the decoration of the canoe
is totemic. It may, however, be that the peculiar manner in which
the beak of the hawk is represented has given rise to the preval-
ence of this decoration. The upper jaw of the hawk is always
shown so that its point reaches the lower jaw and turns back into
the mouth. When painted or carved in front view the beak is indi-
cated by a narrow wedge-shaped strip in the middle of the face,
the point of which touches the lower margin of the chin. The
sharp bow and stern of a canoe with a profile of a face on each
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 237
side, when represented on a level or slightly rounded surface, would
assume the same shape. Therefore it may be that originally the
middle line was not the beak of the hawk, but the foreshortened
bow or stern of the canoe. This decoration is so
uniform that the explanation given here seems to
me probable. ‘
In fig. 244 we see a painting representing a full
front view of the thunder-bird. Its principal symbol
is the long beak, which in front view appears
like a long line descending from the nose over the
mouth. In this case it is doubtful whether the
body may be considered as being split along the
back. Since the face is certainly represented in
front view, it seems more likely that the animal
is represented with spread wings, similar to the
eagle in fig. 241.
I have described a number of dissections ap-
plied in representing various animals. Heretofore
we have had cases only in which the dissections
were rather simple. In many cases in which the
adaptation of the animal form to the decorative
field is more difficult, the sections and distortions
are much more far-reaching than those described
before.
The cut that has been applied in the totem
pole (fig. 245) is much more intricate than the
preceding ones. The upper figure represents a
bird which is shown in the form of a human being,
to the arms of which wings are attached. Under this Fig.245. Modeloftotem
figure we find a representation of the killer-whale. pole with design re-
The hind part of its body is more easily recog- ROSE re NIRT-
nized than the head. A small human figure is :
seen riding on the dorsal fin. The tail (a), which appears at the lower
margin of the figure, is turned backward over the back of the animal.
238 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
We must therefore, imagine that the head has been turned downward
behind the human figure (P) riding on the dorsal fin (c). It would, there-
fore, lie on the back of
the totem pole, which
is not carved. Con-
sequently, according to
what was stated before,
the artist has split and
, distended it so that the
» middle line appears at
each edge of the carved
portion of the pole.
Thus the right half of
the head (d) has been
brought into view on
the right side of the
totem pole, and the left
half on the left. This
NN ç is the explanation of
TIT ES — 2 the whale’s ‚head with
EAN La its teeth, which is seen
NR in our figure next to
the tail, the lower jaw
being omitted. The flip-
per (e), which adjoins
the head, is laid over
the back of the whale,
immediately under the
feet of the human being
Fig. 247. Painting for a house-front, design riding on the dorsal fin
representing a killer-whale, Kwakiutl. of the whale. The figure
must therefore be explained in such a way that the animal is twisted
twice, the tail being turned up over the back, and the head being
first turned down under the stomach, then split and extended outward.
rd
a _ ime
jum I) Mi
| LU 1 | MS l TA m
E Un = P : " LU M
VEN Cia
À y
Tm I \ s
Fig. 246. Painting for a box front, design
representing a frog, Haida.
x
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 239
Fig. 246 is a copy of a painting on the front of a box, made
on paper with colored crayons by a Haida Indian named Wiha.
It represents a frog. By far the greater portion of the box-front
is occupied by the head of the animal, which, according to what
was said before, must be considered as consisting of two adjoining
profiles. The symbol of the frog's head is its toothless mouth.
The two black portions extending downward from the lower corners
of the face are two halves |
ofthe body. To these are
joined the fore paws,which
occupy the space below
the mouth; the upper arm
and fore arm being turned
; > (7 / Un up
d. the fore feet bein aU RA TEE |
EY ‘ VERS NT
turned outward under the N TC
arm. The hind legs oc-
cupy the lateral field on
both. sides of the head.
They are not connected
in any way with the body
of the animal.
In fig. 247 we find a novel representation of the killer-whale,
which was given to me as illustrating the painting on a house of
the Kwakiutl Indians. The sections that have been used here are
quite complicated. First of all, the animal has been split along its
whole back towards the front. The two profiles of the head have
been joined, as described before. The painting on each side of the
mouth represent gills, thus indicating that a water-animal is meant.
The dorsal fin, which according to the methods described heretofore
would appear on both sides of the body, has been cut off from the
back before the animal was split, and appears now placed over the
junction of the two profiles of the head. The flippers are laid along
the two sides of the body with which they cohere only at one
point each. The two halves of the tail have been twisted outward
Fig. 248. Painting for a house-front with design
representing a killer-whale, Kwakiutl.
I i
IE UE |
WI UE I
>>>
NETS
—
= = — e
240 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
so that the lower part of the figure forms a straight line. This is
done in order to fit it over the square door of the house.
In fig. 248 the same animal has been treated in still a different
manner. The figure illustrates also the painting from a house-front
of the Kwakiutl Indians. The central parts of the painting are the
two profiles of the head of the killer-whale. The notch in the lower
jaw indicates that it also has been cut, and joined in its central part.
The cut on the upper part of the face has been carried down to
the upper lip. The body has disappeared entirely. The cut of the
head has, however, been carried along backward the whole length
Fig. 249. Painting on a paddle representing porpoise and seal, Kwakiutl.
of the body as far as the root of the tail, which latter has been cut
off, and appears over the junction of the two profiles of the head.
The dorsal fin has been split, and the two halves are joined to the
upper part of the head, from which they extend upward and out-
ward. Immediately below them the two halves of the blow-hole are
indicated by two small faces, the upper parts of which bear a semi-
circle each. The flippers are attached to the lower corners of the
face. The painting on the face next to the mouth represents gills.
Fig. 249 is a complicated painting on a Kwakiutl paddle. It re-
presents a porpoise and a seal combined; the porpoise turning to
the right, the seal to the left, and both having a common body. At
the right is seen the head of the porpoise and the short lines be-
hind it, upward, represent the animal spouting. (1) is the neck,
(2) the flipper, (3) a joint in the flipper, (4) and (5), (9) and (13)
jointly representing the body of the porpoise, (5) is the stomach,
(8) the dorsal fin of the porpoise, (9) is the backbone both of the
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 241
porpoise and of the seal, (12) is the tail of the porpoise. The head
of the seal is shown in (11), (10) represents the ears, although an-
other pair of ears, like those of all animals, appear over the head.
It has been stated before that (9) is the backbone of both seal and
porpoise, (5) is the stomach of the seal, (13) its flippers, and (4) its tail.
Fal 1
x LIT
I
m,
rr aem
Fig. 250. Painting for a house-front representing a raven, Kwakiutl.
Fig. 250 represents the painting from a housefront showing a
raven in profile. This painting appears on the right and left of
the doorway; the beaks facing the door. (1) is the raised tuft on
the head of the raven, (2) feathers, (3) the facial bones, (4) the
skin over the beak, (5) is supposed to be a joint in the tongue,
(6) the skin over the lower jaw, (7) the supposed joint at the base
of the tongue, (8) represents the shoulder joint, (9) feathers, and
(10) the long wing feathers. It will be noticed that the inner feathers
(9) are rounded, while the wing feather has a sharp point, according
16 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
ue ——"
242 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
to the standard requirements referred to on p. 205. (11) represents
the tail with a single face as a joint, according to standard requirements.
Fig. 251 is a design from a housefront, over the door, represent-
ing a thunder bird. The design must be considered as consisting,
more or less clearly, of two profiles. (1) represents the hooked
Wg
>
N > 3}
==
Fig.”251. Painting for a house-front representing a thunder-bird, Kwakiutl.
nose, (2) the skull, (3) the ears, (4) the feathers over the heavy
eyebrows. The tail rises over the head. It has the characteristic
single joint. Rounded feathers are shown on the wings, right and
left; the extreme long wingfeather is sharply pointed. The feet, to
the right and left of the face, are enormously enlarged. The circu-
lar eye design represents the joint to which three toes are attached.
Fig. 252 represents another painting which is placed over the door
of a Kwakiutl housefront. It represents a whale. In this speci-
men are found a number of deviations from the supposed standard.
Below is the tail (1), with the flukes (2). While the double curva-
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 243
ture on the inner side of the flukes is preserved, there is only one
joint design instead of the normal two. The design (3) on each
side represents the fins. According to the standard these ought to
be round, but they are actually sharply pointed like wing feathers.
This may be due to the prevailing tendency of showing the middle
feathers as round, and letting :
the extreme lateral ones run
into a long point which closes
off the design more effectively
then a round form would. Over
the tail will be noticed the long
mouth and the nose with its
sudden turn. The line (4)
indicates the strong curve
which sets off the nose from
the forehead. This is analogous
to the treatment of the nose
among the Haida. (5) represents
the shoulder joint. The scal-
lops under the eyes are the
cheekbones. Over the eyes are
the ears (6), over the forehead
rises the dorsal fin with a
single joint. Normally the eyes
of the whale are round and the person who explained the design
called particular attention to the fact that in this painting they had
not the standard form.
Fig. 253 is another house-painting of the Kwakiutl, representing
the raven. The same principle as in fig. 251 has been adhered
to by the artist. The central portion of the figure is occupied
by the head of the raven split from its lower side upward so that
the two halves cohere along the upper edge of the beak. The two
halves of the head have been folded outward, so that the two
halves of the tongues (2) and the two lower jaws (1) appear on each
Fig. 252. Painting for a house-front
representing a whale, Kwakiutl.
244 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
side of the central line. The two halves of the lower side of the
body are shown extending in a curved line (3) from the corners of the
mouth towards the tail, which latter has not been cut. The wings
have been considerably reduced in size, and pulled upward so that
they appear over each upper corner ofthe head. The legs (5) occupy
the right and left lower
parts of the painting, the
feet (4) being disconnected
trom the thin legs.
In fig. 254, which is a
painting on the margin
of a blanket, the sea-
monster described in Fig.
183 (p. 199) is represented.
The animal is shown here
as split in two along its
back; but all its parts,
except the head, the paws,
and the tail, are much
reduced in size. The
two enormous eyes, and
between them the nose,
Ee will be readily recognized.
The teeth are indicated by
a series of slanting lines
under each eye, but the
lower jaws of both halves
have been omitted. The whole body is represented by the thin line
extending from the lower outer corner of the eyes upward, then along
the upper margin of the painting, and downward again. The three
dorsal fins are shown over this line,— one-half of each on each
side of the back. The arms are indicated by two curves under the
line indicating the back. The fin of the arm is shown under the
fore arm. While all these are of small size, the paw which adjoins
Fig. 253. Painting for a house-front representing
a raven, Kwakiutl.
senting a sea-monster, Northern British Columbia.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 245
the fore arm is shown on a large scale, the claws turned towards
the face. The line representing the body runs towards both ends
of the painting along the lower margin until it is merged into the
tail, one-half of which is shown on each side. In this specimen the
proportions of the body are much more distorted than in any pre-
vious case. :
The following series of
figures are designs found
on a number of silver
bracelets. The animals pig 255. Desisn on a silver bracelet representing
represented on these are a beaver, Haida.
also shown very frag-
mentarily.
In fig. 255 we see the 77 ZA wo
beaver cut in two along RS e a i=
its back. The face does Fig. 256. Design on a silver bracelet representing
not need any further ex- a sea-monster, Haida.
planation. The fore legs
adjoin it on each side,
the toes being turned in-
ward; but the whole rest
of ihe body hus been Fig. 257. Design on a silver bracelet representing
omitted, except the two 2 hawk, Haida.
halves of the tail, which
the artist was compelled to show, because they are symbols of the animal.
In fig. 256 we recognize the sea-monster, with a bear’s head and
a whale’s body. Here also by far the greater portion of the etching
represents the head and fore arms of the monster. The fins, that are
attached to the upper arms néar the elbow, are shown on a rather small
scale. The whole rest of the body is of small size, the two halves of
the body, with the adjoining half of the tail, occupying only the outer
upper margin of the bracelet. I am not quite clear whether the artist
intended to represent the two halves of the dorsal fin by the curved
ornament adjoining the hat which rises over the nose of the monster.
M
il
|
a
]
il {
246 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
The hawk which is shown in fig. 257 has been cut in a different
manner, namely, from the beak backward, the two halves being
then turned outward. The centre of the design is occupied by the
two halves of the head, and the two talons which adjoin it. The wings
are cut off from the body, and occupy the outer corners of the design.
The designs on the following series of carvings are no less con-
ventionalized. Fig. 258 is a sea-monster adjusted to a circular slate
dish. The carving is perfectly
symmetrical. The drawing ap-
pears asymmetrical because it
has been taken from an eccentric
point of view. Here also the
centre is occupied by the head
of the animal. The tail is seen
under the lowest part of the
mouth, turned upward in front
of the body. The arms are
shortened considerably. They
are attached to the lower corners
of the mouth, the paws touching
the chin. The fins are joined
to the upper part of the arms,
and are turned upward so that
they lie close to the sides of the face and about on a level with
the ears. Attention is called again to the spiral nostrils.
In fig. 259, which represents the front of a small box carved in
slate, the same sea-monster is shown. Again we see the animal cut
in two, the section separating the eyes and the ears, the mouth,
however, being left intact. Here the whole body has been omitted,
with the exception of the paws to which the fins are attached. The
paws will be recognized turned inward under the mouth, while the
fins extend upward along the outer margins of the slab. The dorsal
fin has been bisected, and one-half is shown in each upper corner.
The ornament in the centre of the upper margin probably represents
Fig. 258. Slate dish with design representing
a sea-monster, Haida.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 247
the tail turned upward over the back so that it almost touches the head.
This arrangement must be considered in connection with the formal
treatment of boxfronts which will be discussed later (pp. 263 et seq.).
Fig. 260 represents the carving on a slate slab. We have here
a different representa-
5
tion of the sea-monster, SVEN [eX
which is also, as we
might say, much ab- N
breviated. The head WEEN
occupies by far the AN | DV |
larger portion of the Ton : Ln
CO
carving. The body
which is seen under- Zl
neath the head, in the Fig. 259. Front of a slate box with design
centre of the slab, is representing a sea-monster, Haida.
indicated by a com-
paratively small square
with rounded edges,
decorated with two fins.
The rest of the decora-
tion on the lower edge
of the slab must be
interpreted as the arms
of the monster, the
large face on each
corner representing an
elbow. The whole arm,
extending from the elbow to the hand, is omitted. The latter is
indicated by an oval the centre of which is occupied by an eye.
From it rise the three fingers or claws. The important symbols
of the monster, the fins, which are attached to the fore arm, are
shown adjoining the elbow, and rise along the sides of the slab,
outside of the eyes. The two ornaments occupying the upper
corners of the slab are undoubtedly the tail. This arrangement is
Fig. 260. Slate slab with design representing
a sea-monster, Haida.
248 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
also determined by the general principles governing the decoration
of boxes (see p. 263).
The shark which is shown in fig. 261 is found on one end of a
small food tray. I do not need to repeat the description of the
shark’s face, on which the characteristic symbols will be recognized.
Fig. 261. Design from the end Fig. 262. Slate dish with design repre-
of a food tray representing a senting a sculpin, Haida.
shark, Tlingit.
I have introduced this figure here in order to show that the whole
body of the animal has been omitted with the sole exception of its
pectoral fins, which are carved on the rim of the tray on both sides
of the forehead. Their position is somewhat analogous to the one
found on the totem pole fig. 213 (p. 219). ;
In figs. 262 and 263 we find the representations of the sculpin
distorted and dissected in the same manner as the sea-monster of
the preceding figures.
In fig. 262 the sculpin has been adapted to a circular slate dish.
The centre of the design is occupied by a rosette, which has
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 249
undoubtedly been copied from European patterns. In the drawing the
outlines of the various parts of the body have been strengthened in
order to make their relations somewhat clearer. It will be noticed
that the head is split in two, cohering only at the nose and the
upper jaw. The two spines rise immediately from the nose. The
two halves of the body extend from the corners of the face upward
along the rim of the dish. There they grow thinner, indicating
the thin portion of the fish body near the tail. The tail has not
been split, and is turned
upward and backward so
that it touches the central
rosette. A comparison be-
tween this design and the
design at the centre of the
upper margin in fig. 259
will show a great similarity
between the two, thus mak-
ing it probable, that, as stated
before, the latter design is Fig. 263. Front of a slate box with design
intended to represent the representing a fish, Haida.
tail of the monster. The
pectoral fins of the sculpin are shown in a rather abnormal position.
They are turned forward from the body so that they. adjoin the
lower jaw. They will be recognized between the jaws and the
rim of the dish. The dorsal fin is indicated by the long pointed
ornaments extending from the eye towards the tail.
In the design fig. 263 a fish has been dissected in a somewhat
different manner. The head occupies the upper margin of the
slab. It has a remarkably triangular shape. The body has been
bisected from head to tail, and turned and twisted in such a manner
that each half extends in a curve downward from the corners of
the face to the middle of the lower margin of the slab. The pec-
toral fins have been left in contact with the corners of the mouth,
and are placed in the same position as in the preceding figure,
250 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
I namely, adjoining the lower jaw. They meet just below the chin of
Il the animal. I believe the ornaments which are stretched along
hr the right and left margins of the slab represent the dorsal fins.
I I have described at a
| 7 2 previous place (p. 215) the
. extraordinary distortion and
dissection of the killerwhale
in its adaptation to a blanket,
and I have given the descrip-
tion at that place.
Quite a unique distortion’
is found in body paintings
used by the Kwakiutl Indians
in a boy’s dance. Fig. 264
is a copy of a body painting
representing the bear. On
the chest, the head of the
bear is shown turned down-
ward. The white spots over
the collarbones are the eyes
of the bear; the angular
line with semicircles, the
| mouth and teeth. On the
| upper arms are shown the
III | Fig. 264. Body painting representing forelens, ine dave just
MEER he bern THR under the elbow. The hind
MEL | —— legs are shown on the front
t A of the thighs. On the back of the person is shown the nape of
| | the bear placed on the upper part of the back; under it, extending
MI downward, is the back, the lines representing hair. The hip-joints
n | are shown by dark designs on the buttocks. The spiral design on
1 the left leg was said to represent the tail.
: Still more remarkable is the frog painting shown in fig. 265. On
the small of the back is shown the top of the head of the frog;
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 251
thé two eyes with eyebrows above, the mouth below. Correspond-
ing to this place we find in the front of the body the mouth set
with teeth (which really do not belong to the frog). The back of
the frog is shown on the
upper part of the back; the
hind legs on the back of
the arms. The opposite side
of the hind legs is shown
on the front of the arms.
It seems probable that in
the design which was copied
for me by an Indian, the
painting on the front of the
left arm was accidentally
omitted. The shoulder joint
is shown on the front of the
thighs; the forelegs in cor-
responding position on the
back of the thighs; the ankle
joints on the knees; and
the foot on the calf of the
legs. In other words, the
frog is shown in such a way
as though the body of the
person were the frog. No ex-
planation was given for the
black design on the left leg.
Fig. 265. Body painting representing
the frog, Kwakiutl.
. We will turn now to the purely formal side of the treatment of
the decorative field. There is a tendency to cover the entire sur-
face with design elements.
Vacant places are avoided. When the
surface of the object represented has no features that lend them-
selves to decorative development, the artist resorts to devices that
enable him to fil the surface with patterns. On totem poles the
282 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
bodies of the animals represented occupy considerable space. The
monotony of the surface is broken by placing the forelegs and hind-
legs across the front of the body, by turning up the tail in front,
and by adding small animal figures.
Far more important is the application of a great variety of decora-
tive elements, all of which consist of curved lines. The Indians
have a decided disinclination to apply equidistant curves. In all
work of the better class the lines are so arranged that more or less
crescent shaped surfaces result, or that narrow, curved areas, wide
in the middle, narrower at the ends, are formed.
The most striking decorative form which is used almost every-
where, consists of a round or oval field, the eye design”. This
pattern is commonly so placed that it corresponds to the location
of a joint. In the present stage of the art, the oval is used partic-
ularly as shoulder, hip, wrist, and ankle joint, and as a joint at
the base of the tail and of the dorsal fin of the whale. It is considered
as a cross section of the ball and socket joint; the outer circle the
socket, the inner the ball. Often the oval is developed in the form
of a face: either as a full face or a profile.
The general disposition of this design demonstrates that the ex-
planation is not by any means always tenable. Thus in the blanket,
fig. 205 (p. 215), the eye pattern in the two lower corners has no con-
nection with a joint. In this position, in the mouth of an animal, it
is sometimes described as food. The two profile faces higher up on
the side of the same blanket, are obviously fillers. They might be
replaced by “eye designs”. Another instance of similar kind is
found on the upper part of the face of the dish fig. 168 (p. 191).
The circular designs shown here might perhaps be interpreted as
tail joints, but they are probably decorative elements. The design
appears clearly as a filler in fig. 283 f (p. 272) at the inner upper
corner on the long side of the box, and on the ears of the beaver,
fig. 229, (p. 227). On Chilkat blankets it appears always in fixed
positions (see p. 258) and in large boxes it is the constant corner
design (see p. 263). Its use and interpretation as a joint is presumably
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
related to the frequent ornamental combination
shown, for instance, in the feet on fig. 160
(p. 188) and in the tails fig. 193 (p. 205). The
oval represents the joint and the elevated part
the limb. These are at the same time formal
elements that appear regularly on the lateral
border designs on carved boxes (fig. 274, p. 263).
The eye design appears in a variety of forms
ranging from a large double eye to a circular
pattern with black center.
Lieutenant Emmons has collected the various
design elements as they appear on the blankets
and has given the names by which they are
designated by the Tlingit (fig. 266). These
names do not fit the explanations given for
the whole pattern. The “double eye” (h) and:
the *eye" (f) are not always eyes but occur
also as joints, (fig. 269 b). The profile eye is
called the “head of the salmon trout” (C).
It is used quite generally as the eye of any
animal. The “black eye” (g), the “nostril” (1)
and the design called “one in another” (0) are
practically identical. They are also used as
joints. The frequent use of the circular design
of light or dark color, set off against a dark
or light background indicates that the tribes of
the north west coast do not tolerate areas of
the same color, the monotony of which is
relieved by the insertion of circular designs of
contrasting colors. These may be seen on many
blanket and box designs (fig. 274 et seq.).
The forms called *side holes" (p) and *holes",
«ends of gambling Sticks” Fig. 266. Design elements
or “rain drops" (q) have from Tlingit blankets.
| o)
253
&
®
5 % SH
—M—
=,
a
S T
sons =
n
+
il
EEE ——
— zZ MEL VDO 0 C2
rte re rer rar
254 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
white circles relieving a black background. It is quite evident that
these designs also, as parts of the whole design, have not the
significance implied in the names, nor do the names explain the
reason for their use. The frequent occurrence of the white circles,
both isolated and in lines, (see figs. 269 et seq., pp. 259 et seq.)
proves that they must be considered primarily as a formal element
designed to break large surfaces.
It seems to me most likely that the black or white circular design
has been the basis from which the eye design has developed. In
the style of the north west coast art shoulders, hips, hands, and
feet form large dark monotonous surfaces. These are broken by a
large white circle or oval, which is again varied by a black center.
This tendency would also account for the goggle design (fig. 266 i).
The same desire to relieve the monotony of the cheek surface leads
to the insertion of an oval design on the cheek (k).
In carved designs these forms are not contrasted by color,
but the form alone varies the monotony of the large undecorated
surface.
Another characteristic pattern, the narrow crescent, has presum-
ably also originated from the desire to break the monotony of
continuous areas. It appears particularly when it is desired to set
off two merging patterns against each other. Here also design
names obtained by Emmons, “woman’s hair ornament" (r) and
"slit" (s) have nothing to do with its function and significance as
part of the whole pattern.
The most characteristic filler, next to the eye, is a double curve,
which is used to fill angular and round fields that rise over a
strongly or gently curved line. Many fillers of this type have a dark
colored band at the upper end, generally rounded in paintings or
carvings, square in blankets (see fig. 202, lower lateral design on
central panel; the tail patterns, fig. 193). In the blankets the angular
form is perhaps due to the technique in weaving, although the
frequent eye designs prove that round forms are not impossible.
On blankets the heavy upper line is often drawn out into a tip
L^ M mmm
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 255
(fig. 270 a, over the **goggle" design on the side of the central panel).
Examples of these forms have been collected by Lieutenant Emmons
who states that the Tlingit call them “the wing-feather of red-winged
flicker” (fig. 266 £). The use of the pointed form of this design
for a bird feather agrees with the theoretical claim of the Kwakiutl (see
p. 205), but obviously the explanation does not always fit the mean-
ing of the pattern as a whole, as is shown by the killer-whale design
fig. 205 (p. 215) or the whale design fig. 270 (p. 260).
The design is used commonly to represent quite diverse objects.
Thus, the double flicker-feather (fig. 266 7), occurs in fig. 269 a as
the beak of a bird, occupying the middle of the mouth design be-
tween the two large eyes. It occurs also between the ears along
the upper border of the design as the single flicker-feather. Here
as well as over the beak of the bird, in the lateral fields, it is
used only for filling in parts of the design which otherwise would
remain undecorated. In fig. 202 (p. 213) the same design occurs
between the eyes, just over the nostril, and here also it obviously
has nothing to do with the red-winged flicker. Many other cases
of this application of the wing-feather design, simply for the purpose
of filling in spaces, may be observed in practically all the blankets.
A comparison of fig. 202 with the box designs fig. 274 shows that
the wing-feather design may serve to express the forearm and the
upper arm. In fig. 274, we have the two hands placed in a position
similar to the paws in figs. 202 and 269 b. On the box fig. 274a
the parts are connected with the body by a narrow red strip, which
is divided by characteristic curves into two parts. A comparison of
this design with figs. 222 and 223 shows very clearly that they
are meant to represent the upper arm. In the blanket design fig.
269 b, the two sections connecting the paw with the body may be
recognized distinctly as upper arm and forearm. In the blanket
designs fig. 202, the space that is available for the upper arm is
much condensed; but it is quite obvious that the two wing-feather
designs which lie on the outer sides of the paws must be inter-
preted here also as the forearm and upper arm. Judging by this
=
256 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
analogy, I think there can be very little doubt that the two wing-
feathers placed by the sides of the body in fig. 269 a may be con-
sidered in the same way as the two parts of the arm of the animal
represented. Since the animal here shown is a bird, these feather
designs are in this way made to represent the bones of the wing.
Similar considerations have determined the distribution of orna-
ments in the design fig. 270 b. Here the two feet will be recog-
nized at the lower edge of the design. Adjoining it, above the “eye”,
are two long white flicker-feather designs, which obviously represent
the legs. Each of the two inverted double eyes under the jaws
must be interpreted as a shoulder-joint to which is attached the
lower part of the arm in the form of a flicker-feather design.
The forms here discussed are interpreted as various kinds of
animals,— birds, quadrupeds, sea-monsters,— but never as the red-
winged flicker, nor can the parts be interpreted as ornaments made
of flicker-feathers. It is obvious that we are dealing here with a
fixed form, which has a conventional name, and which is used for
a variety of purposes.
It will be noticed that this design occurs in three principal forms.
In one of these it is cut off square at the upper end. Most of
those shown in fig. 266 are of this type. Another characteristic
form of this design has the pointed wing-feather, (as the second
one in the series fig. 266 f A third form, which is not given in
the series of named designs, seems to be quite common. It has a
rounded tip and may be observed, for instance, in the beak part in
front of the upper eye in the lateral panels of figs. 203 and 269a;
also in the central field in fig. 273 b.
The wing design is applied wherever a somewhat oval or rect-
angular field which is situated laterally has to be filled in, parti-
cularly when the field adjoins another design which is surrounded
by heavy black lines, and which forms part of an animal body.
For this reason the design appears very commonly in front of, over,
or under the eye design. It is used to fill in the ears; it appears
at the sides of the body, as in figs. 203 and 269 a; and it is used
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 257
to fill in small fields which adjoin black lines, as for instance, in the
lowest section of the lateral panels in fig. 269 a.
On blankets the light circle on a darker background with black
tip and small white segment at the base, is almost ever-present.
The white segment at the base is limited very often by a pointed
double curve,— like a brace,— which divides the adjoining colored
field more or less distinctly into two halves. These may be ob-
served, for instance, in one of the ear designs in figs. 202 and 269 b,
and also in the design over the nose in fig. 202.
This pattern is also used as a filler for long narrow spaces. Ac-
cording to Emmons this.is called the “mouth design” (fig. 266 7)
or the *eyebrow" (e), but.it is often used on fields that cannot be
interpreted as “mouth” or ‘“eyebrow”, as for instance, in the lateral
parts of the lower border of fig. 202 and in the lower corner of
the box, fig. 274 b.
Judging from the general application of this design, it is quite
obvious that it is not primarily a feather design, but that it is a
decorative element used throughout in certain definite positions for
fhe purpose of filling in.
Flat black curves are used quite often for indicating the teeth.
These may be observed in fig.269 a, on the body of fig. 270a, in
the lowest face in fig. 204, in the lower faces of fig. 271.
We have discussed before the adjustment of animal form to the
decorative field. The adjustment is not by any means free, but .
definite, stylistic forms may be recognized. These appear with great
clarity on the Chilkat blankets.
The measurements of the blankets show that the central height is
very nearly one half of the width. The width of the narrow border,
consisting of a black and yellow stripe, is about one twelfth of the
total width. The angle of the lower border is quite variable, the
vertical distance from a line connecting the lower corners of the
blanket to its greatest depth is generally a little less than one sixth
of the width. The fundamental trait of the blanket pattern is the
17 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII. 2
re
258 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
|
i
i
1
i
i
Fig. 267. Schematic design showing the arrangement of the central field
of the Chilkat blanket.
Fig. 268. - General plans of Tlingit blankets.
division of the field into three panels The central one about double
the width of the lateral ones, or more. In most blankets the line
of division of these fields is quite clear and is indicated by black
and white lines. The designs. on the lateral fields are SIMCA
and quite distinet from the central field.
. The blankets may be divided.into two large groups. Their funda-
, mental patterns are indicated schematically in fig. 267. The one
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 259
design is clearly a representation of an animal with a large head
which occupies the whole upper part of the field down to an almost
straight cross line (fields 1, 2, 5, fig. 268). Under it are the body
(field 3) and in the lower border the tail and hips (field 4) of the
animal. It may be noticed that there are always two tail joints, al-
though in other cases
the use of a single tail
joint for birds and a
double tail joint for sea es
mammals is fairly con- EET
sistent. Fields 6, 7, and Sc E fig TIE
8 are used in various :
ways. They are not
essential parts of the
animal represented, al-
though field 6 may be
utilized for the purpose
of showing parts of the
back, and field 7 may
be utilized for a re-
presentation of the fore-
arms. in this style we Fig. 269. Chilkat blankets.
may distinguish, in the
wide center, a central stripe, consisting of the elements numbered
6, 2, 3, 4 and two lateral stripes 5, 1, 7, and 8. Generally these
sections interlock. In a few specimens, the outer limits of field 3 are
carried down to the lower border so that they form a continuous
broad line with the outer limits of field 4. e
Examples of this type are shown in figs. 202 and 269. In these
the animal figure in the center appears very clearly. It will be
noticed that the large eyes of the animal have always a cheek design
attached to them. These appear also in fig. 203, a blanket belong-
ing to the same class, the lower part of which is, however, much
less distinctively body and tail belonging to the large head. The
260 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
reduction of field 7 and its extension to the lower margin is rare
in other specimens. In fig. 202 field 7 is occupied by the raised
hands of the animal, while in fig. 269 a it is occupied by a wing
design. The rectangular frame surrounding the body in fig. 269 b
is an exceptional feature
which I have seen only
in one other modern
deal blanket.
oaks dl A sub-type may be
distinguished in which
the lower part is treated
differently (fig. 270 a).
The two eyes of field 4
are of the same size as
those of field 1. In this
way a more symmetrical
impression is produced,
but at the expense of
the unity of the animal
form. This treatment
lends itself to a sharper
separation of the fields
5, 1, 7, 8 against the
fields 6, 2, 3, 4 so that
the whole central field seems to be divided into three sections (see
fig. 204).. Fig. 270 a is decidedly influenced by the second type of
blanket; the four eyes being approximately of the same size and
symmetrically arranged around a central face.
The fundamental feature of the second type of blankets is a cen-
tral face placed a little higher than in the preceding type, so that it
forms exactly the center of the whole field. In place of the large
eyes on top, we find two large inverted eyes, often without the
adjoining jaw design. In many cases two small circular patterns,
or small eye designs, occupy the center of the lower border. These
=
Fig. 270. Chilkat blankets.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 261
may often be identified
with the nostril of the
head to which the two
large lower eyes belong.
This pattern is much
more symmetrical than
the former type, but its
symbolism is much more
obscure. I presume that
the inverted position of
the eye in the upper
border is essentially due
to the attempt to obtain
greater symmetry. For
an explanation it is
necessary that the upper
eyes must be viewed as
some part of the body
that is turned upside
down. Characteristic
examples of this type
are shown in figs. 103
and 271. In these, the
fields to the right and
left of the central face
are treated,in the former,
as a profile face; in the
second they are de-
ze 4
y |
m i
: za
I
jh '
le
LC
(=
Fig. 272. Chilkat blanket.
corated with a feather-design filler. A somewhat different treatment
is given in fig. 272 which may be compared with fig. 270. In both a
large face occupies the center of the whole design, surrounded by
the four large eyes and the lateral spaces filled with feather designs.
In fig. 273 the upper eyes have been moved towards the center
and the eye design has been expanded into a profile which occupies
262 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
the whole upper margin of the central field. In fig. 273 b the lateral
fields next to the central face are occupied by the two sides of the dorsal
fin so that here the form of a whale is brought out fairly clearly.
The general scheme of the narrow lateral panels is also quite
definite. We find on practically all the blankets an eye design, —
part of the profile of an
animal's head,— in the
upper, outer corner, an-
other eye design near
the lower border, gener-
ally approximately in
the middle of the lateral
field. The position of
the lower eye design is
much more irregular
than that of the upper
one. In general we are
given the impression of
an animal, the body of
which extends along the
extreme outer border
of the blanket, the head
occupying the centre of
the panel, while the feet
Ig UM
Fig. 273. Chilkat blankets.
or tail are shown along the lower border. In this way a space is
left in the middle, next to the central panel, which does not belong
essentially to the form of the animal. 5.
In both fundamental types the intervening spaces which are not
filled by the large eye designs, the body, tail, and extremeties, are
filled with a variety of patterns which depend only in part upon the
selection of the animal to be represented, but are very largely
determined by esthetic considerations.
The broad sides of rectangular boxes bear the same fundamental
design as the first type of blankets; an animal with an enormous
à
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 283
head on the upper border, the body occupying the centre below.
A fairly consistent difference between the blanket and box types is
that the lower border of the large face is curved on the boxes;
straight on the blankets. I believe this difference is due to the
22
Fig. 274. Front, reverse and side of a painted box.
| desire to avoid excessive parallelism. In the blanket the straight
| lower line of the head is set off against the curves of the upper
part of the head and against the angle in the lower border of the
blanket, while in the boxes a straight middle line would appear set
off against the parallel upper and lower edges of the box. The
lateral panels of the blanket correspond, in a way, to the narrow
lateral strips in the front of the long boxes (fig. 274 a) which are
characterized by a fairly large eye design in each corner. These
are connected by a variety of decorative elements. At the lower
264 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
border of the box front
there originate, in this
manner, five fields.
The middle one being
occupied by the body
of the central animal;
the corners being oc-
cupied by the eye de-
signs which form the
basis of the lateral
strips. Between these
there remain spaces which are often filled with designs representing
the fore or hind feet ofthe central animal. On account of the shifting
of the eyes the five field division does not appear as clearly in
fig. 275. The reverse side of fig. 276 is treated differently; in the
Fig. 275. Paintéd and carved box front.
Fig. 276. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 265
lower field the body is omitted, the two eyes placed in the middle
so that a fourfold division of the whole area under the mouth
originates. A similar treatment is given to a front (fig. 277 below),
in which the eyes are placed in the corners while the middle is
Fig. 277. Four sides of a painted box, front on a larger scale, Tlingit.
occupied by the two sides of a tail, which, however, is treated like
a hawk's face. The arbitrary character of the details appears very
clearly in this arrangement.
The narrow sides of the boxes are generally painted with a design
analogous to the central design of the front with this difference,
however, that the lateral panels are missing and that the head is
more compressed. In a number of cases the short sides are treated
differently, as shown in fig. 276. Very rarely the short sides con-
tain a profile figure that does not occupy the whole width of this
side (fig. 277).
266 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
There are also a number of low boxes which are treated some-
what differently. On account of the lowness of the sides the lower
rim of the head is drawn straight so that a narrow rectangular panel
originates along the lower border (fig. 278). In this specimen the
eyes are retained; the central face in the lower field presumably
represents the body, to which are attached the arms and hands. In
most specimens of this type, however, the lower section is almost
entirely suppressed; the large upper face is retained but under it
T rl \ = TB pm |
hs
I
|
|
Fig. 278. Front and side of a painted box.
we find only a few ornaments that may be interpreted only as fillers
(fig. 279 above).
There are also a number of low boxes in which the body is
entirely suppressed. They contain, essentially, the large head design
with a few decorative features along the sides, and the eyes in the
upper corners. (Fig. 279 below).
The arrangement of the long boxes is such that the center of
the mouth, or a point a little below it, is the center of the decora-
tive field (figs. 274—276). A line drawn from the center of the
lower border to the upper corners passes almost always along the
corner of the mouth and often also through the sharp curve at the
upper, outer outline of the face. The line drawn from the center
of the upper border to the lower corner passes, generally, through
the corner of the mouth. When the central field along the upper
border is wide, so that it reaches down to the upper curve limiting
the mouth, the eye is shown in profile (figs. 274 b, 276 reverse).
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 267
When the central field consists only of a sharp short angle, there
is a double eye (figs. 274a, 275, 276 front, 277).
The general arrangement of lines on the box is such that the
upper curves of the face are strongly curved downward. The
curvature decreases downward; and in some boxes, for instance in
those shown in figs. 275 and 276 reverse, there is a tendency to an
arrangement of lines which are convex, upward.
\ EX = M RD
|
FE
Fig. 279. Front, reverse and side of carved boxes.
The eye decorations are always so placed that they are not
arranged in straight lines. It will be seen that in the best boxes
they fall into curves that intersect the black lines of the design.
In fig. 274 a, the eyes in the lower corners and those in the mouth
are placed so as to form a continuous curve; in fig. 274b, the
arrangement of the eyes in the upper corners, the eyes of the large
head, and those in the mouth form a fairly regular curve.
In the square boxes on which only one side of the face is shown
on each side (fig. 280), the body is very much reduced in size. In
most of these the large head is limited below by a straight line,
while on the long boxes containing the full face on the front the
lower line of the face is curved. In only one of these (fig. 218) do
we find the face limited below by a straight line.
268 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
In fig. 280a, the two sides shown on the left are occupied by a
large head on top, corresponding to the blanket fields 1, 2, and 5.
The ear (5) is much reduced in size. The sharp beak in the middle
indicates that the hawk is meant. Under it is seen a small field
corresponding to field 3 on the blankets and under it a face with
a
y = a E7777 2 . A LL EEE
| (o) e ZU NU poem T S
a" =
| b 01 =" e i: | e oN
rp TDI 4 à / dl ! ai.
pem DN OD p= — — 4
mr A z
SS
SN \ Zz CII Hil ü he LN JD, Al TIT d 5/2299 — 3
A
Fig. 280. Carved boxes.
its two eyes, corresponding to 4. The field 7 is occupied by the
| || arms, indicated by the curved line running from the shoulder to the
Hi | wrist of the raised hand. The whole lateral field of the blanket is
WT condensed in the narrow strip to the right and left of the face and
| DT body. The designs on the upper corners are clearly ornamental
I i and do not represent any particular part of the head; the eyes in the
lower corners are considered as feet and toes; the large eyes over
the lower corners as knee joints. The two sides of the box shown
on the right hand side correspond in all details to those on the
left, excepting the mouth, which is treated quite differently; the
nostrils being shown in the center.
MI
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 269
In fig. 280b the lower portion of the decorated side is much
reduced in size and the marginal fields are simplified. The
head may represent a hawk; the eyes in the lower fields are
exceptional in so far as they are not placed in the corners but near
the body and they may be considered ankle joints and below them
Fig. 281. Carved box, Tlingit.
270 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
the toes. The eye designs in the upper corners take the place of
the ears. The reduction of the body is even more marked in
fig. 281; here the eye designs and the adjoining curves on the
upper margin are clearly fillers; the body has been completely
Fig. 282. Carved trays.
dissolved. : The eyes in the lower corners with the attached lower
curve show an attempt to represent a flipper. The common character
of these three specimens is the horizontal dividing line under the
mouth and (excepting the one face in fig. 281) the general tendency to
the symmetrical arrangement of lines in the upper and lower fields.
The lines in the upper field point from the middle downward, and
those in the lower, from the middle upward.
There are. a number of peculiar developments of the head and
body designs which are used on small food trays, the sides of which
are bent out of a single plank. In one group of these (fig. 282) the
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 271
two narrow sides represent, in front, the head of the animal; on the
opposite, side the tail. This appears most clearly in figs. 282b and d;
both representing the beaver. In fig. 282d the beaver's head and
tail are perfectly plain. In 282b there is considerable confusion;
the beaver's body below is provided with two human arms and
over it is indicated the large characteristic head. The tail is shown
on the opposite short side, together with the hind legs and the two
disconnected eyes which ordinarily would form the hip joints and
would be connected with the upper end of the thighs. On all these
specimens, 282a, b, and c, the other sides show an inverted face.
This originates evidently in such a way that the eyes represent, at
one end, the shoulder joints, at the opposite end, the hip joints,
but instead of developing the sides as fore and hind legs, the
inverted eyes have lead to the development of a face design which
has no particular relation to the animal represented. In other words,
we find here, as well as in many other places that elements which
are in part derived from representations of parts of animals, have
assumed a purely decorative function so that an explanation of the
details is, to a great extend, arbitrary. The geometrical decoration
on the long side of fig. 282d is also derived from the shoulder.
and hip joints, but instead of parts of a face, slit designs fill in the
rest of the side.
The trays shown in fig. 283 are of the same make as those
shown before, with the only difference that on the long sides the
shoulder joints, knee and foot are shown in the ordinary way. The
hind limbs are here represented on the short side, where the hip
joints are shown by two large eyes in the upper part of the design.
It will be observed, however, that in these cases also there is a
considerable amount of arbitrary use of decorative elements that
have no particular significance, but which must be considered simply
as fillers. This appears most clearly in fig. 283 ¢, which represents
a dish with a design of a human being. Here the arms are re-
presented on the long sides, the shoulder joint by an eye which,
however, is provided with lids. The space under the eye is filled
(Oe NA
SC I
ed
(elo:
Fig. 283. Carved trays.
Fig. 284. Carved trays.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
18 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
274 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
in with a mouth which has no function in this position. It is
evidently introduced in the same way as the profile faces which
serve as fillers on the blankets. The most distinctive specimen of
this type is shown in fig. 283 f. It represents a beaver, the face
indicated by disconnected eyes, mouth, and ear; the nose showing
the form of one of the conventional copper plates used by the
northwest coast Indians, while the face in the middle of the upper
border is purely ornamental. The opposite short side shows very
Fig. 285. Designs on Tlingit armor.
clearly a tail, hip, legs, and feet and on the long side also the large
shoulder joint in the form of an eye with ear; the arm and the
foot are distinctly shown but here also, by the addition of four
teeth, the shoulder joint is elaborated in the form of a face; the
eyes in the corners of the long field are purely ornamental.
To the same group belong also the carved trays cut out of a single piece
of wood, shown in fig. 284. Here we have only the head design which is
adjusted to the curvature of the upper border of the decorative field.
The lines of the face are drawn so as to conform to the decorative field.
It will be observed that the eyes of the large head in the blankets
are always almost horizontal while those on the boxes and trays
are strongly inclined." I presume this is due to the tendency to
avoid massing of parallel lines.
The large head design found on the blankets and boxes occurs
also on the paintings in the center of the front of slat armour.
The lateral panels are missing and the design consists simply of the
head with attached shoulder, arm, and hand (fig. 285).
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 275
A number of square food trays, bent of a single piece of wood,
are not decorated according to this plan. The face, consisting of two
symmetrical halves, is replaced by a series of profiles (fig. 286); the
short and high sides have the large eye in the left hand upper
corner; the mouth in the lower right hand corner. The design on
the long sides represents the sides of the body. The large eyes
stand, presumably, for the shoulder joint and are placed in the
center of the side; wrist and fingers are in the lower left hand
corner. The significance of the design in the right hand upper
J ES /
LL
7 zm == md
MC LAN
C OB 4 A ur. mm Aj
Fig. 286. Painted tray.
corner is not clear. The general distribution of the design elements
is evidently determined by the central position of the large eyes.
The boxes shown in fig. 287 illustrate that still another pattern
is used on square boxes. Each of the four sides of the two boxes
shown in figs. 287a and b, is divided into four rectangles of unequal size.
The general plan of the two designs is almost the same, although
there are considerable differences in detail. It is quite evident that in
287a the lower part of the first and third sides represents legs
and feet. A distinct wing design appears in the left hand upper
rectangle of the fourth side, but otherwise the arrangement of the
elements is so arbitrary that a safe interpretation is impossible.
It seems plausible that in this case also the attempt at decoration
was much more important than the attempt at interpretation.
An interpretation was given to me for the box shown in fig. 287 b.
Although obtained from Charles Edensaw, one of the best artists
among the Haida, I consider it entirely fanciful. The first side
to the left, corresponds to the third side, which is opposite to
it on the box. The second side corresponds to the fourth side.
Edensaw explained the design as showing four interpretations of the
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
ZZ
2
au ==
Dr s y ;
27:77,
p DR
Fig. 287. Painted boxes.
raven as culture-hero. The upper right hand rectangle of the first
side he claimed to represent the head of the raven surmounted by
the ear; the large eye to the left of it, in the left hand upper
corner, the shoulder and under it the wing and tail. The design in
the right hand lower corner he interpreted as the foot; the toes are
clearly visible in the lowest right hand corner of this field. He claims
that the head turned upside down in the left hand upper rectangle
of the second side represents the head of the raven and under it the
hand; the raven being conceived as a human being. The rectangle in
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 277
V UD 7
Ur
\
W TW)
C
WI
Fig. 288. Horn spoons showing carving on the back; a, representing sea-monster;
b, hawk; c, beaver (P); d, raven; e, killer-whale; f, raven; g, dlia (P).. A, sun.
the upper right hand corner contains the shoulder; the right hand lower
corner under it, the tail; and the left hand lower corner, leg and foot.
The box shown in fig. 287c is related to the general design of
fig. 287 b. The somewhat slanting lines between the upper and lower
fields occur in both cases, but the vertical division of each side,
which is characteristic of the specimen just described, is lacking in
the last named specimen.
278 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
A fairly fixed formal arrangement may also be observed on horn
spoons moulded of a single piece (fig. 288). On the back of the
spoon is a design, the center of which is a large face. In many
specimens the space above the eye is filled by two ear designs
which are doubled and unusually large on account of the space that
they have to fill. In these specimens the space between the ears
is taken up by a narrow decorated
strip. In a few simpler forms parts
of the bowl of the spoon remain
undecorated.
A closer examination of the de-
corated objects shows that even
apart from the decorative use of
symbolic motives, geometric ele-
ments are not by any means absent.
The most striking use of geometrical
forms is found on wooden trays,
which bear at the ends the characteristic faces, but which are decor-
ated on the sides by groups of short parallel lines (fig. 284, p. 273).
The line and circle pattern on the dish (fig. 168, p. 191) illustrates also
the use of geometrical forms for decorative purposes. On the berry
spoon (fig. 215, p. 221) the space left vacant by the symbolic design
is filled in with a net of crossing lines. This specimen shows that the
cross hatching which occurs in many specimens,— on the beaver tail
(fig. 157, p. 186), on berry spoons (fig. 182, p. 197), on spoons
(fig. 189, p. 201) and often in red or black as a filler on boxes
(fig. 274, p. 263) has a decorative value even when it may be given
Fig. 289. Dish of horn of big-horn-sheep
representing the bear.
. at the same time a symbolic meaning. The dish of big-horn-sheep horn
(fig. 289) shows a bear's head at each end. At the same time it
has a decorative border which seems to imitate the border of a
basket and which is purely ornamental. It serves to close off the
rim which without it would seem to end abruptly. A similar device
is used on a Kwakiutl mask (fig. 290). Although the encircling
ornament is explained as a ring made of twisted, shredded cedar
PLATE XM.
X EN
d M
A ze o
— Chilkat Blanket.
2 MN
|
y
= MEA
y
| N n =
AT S
AMAT ME n
qu (y dug
UNIV BIBL
"BERLIN.
la.
ish Columbi
t
i
Br
E edid
er Ie
A e:
3,
Blanket
k
Cedarbar
UNIV, BIBL,
BERLIN.
i
|
|
|
me ir a pe= EEE =
PLATE XII.
goat Wool
tish Columb
Blankets of Mountain-
la.
i
Bella Coola, Br
BIBL.
INS
UNIV
BERL
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America .. 219
bark, it is obviously essentially ornamental. The circular and spiral
designs bring out the ornamental character most clearly.
It seems not unlikely that the symbolic style and the desire to
cover the whole field with ornaments have developed exuberantly
only recently. In early times geometric ornaments were probably
more widely used than is the case now. We shall see presently
that they are in extensive use in basketry.
A number of ancient blankets show that angular
geometrical ornaments played an important part
in earlier weaving. Plate X represents a blanket
of mountain-goat wool, in the Ethnological
Museum at Copenhagen, formerly belonging to
the old collections in Leningrad. It is decorated
entirely with geometrical designs arranged in
horizontal bands. The same zigzag pattern in
short panels that occupies alternating bands in this
blanket appears in a second ancient blanket
(PL. XI) which contains also curiously conven- Fig. 200. Mask of Kwa-
tionalized faces and triangular designs. This iS à &iut Indians used in
cedar bark blanket in the British Museum trans- winter ceremonial; ac-
ferred from the United Service Museum about1868, .cording to some re-
collected at Nootka. It has a border in brown and Presenting fool dancer,
yellow wool (P), consisting of obtuse triangles, one Do
assimilated to an eye design. A series of photo-
graphs of blankets in the hands of Dr. Newcombe of Victoria,
British Columbia, shows that these types were in common use in
Bella-Coola (PI. XII, see also p. 292).
Our consideration of the fixed formal elements found in this art
prove that the principles of geometric ornamental form may be
recognized even in this highly developed symbolic art; and that it
is not possible to assign to each and every element that is derived
from animal motives a significant function, but that many of them
are employed regardless of meaning, and used for purely ornamental
purposes.
280 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
The symbolic decoration is governed by rigorous formal principles.
It appears that what we have called for the sake of convenience
dissection and distortion of animal forms, is, in many cases, a fitting
of animal motives into fixed ornamental patterns. We infer from a
study of form and interpretation that there are certain purely
geometric elements that have been utilized in the symbolic repre-
sentation. Most important among these are the double curve which
appears always as a filer in an oval field with flat base, and the
slit which serves to separate distinct curves. The typical eye design
is presumably related to the circle and dot and may have developed
from the double tendency of associating geometrical motives with
animal forms and of the other, of standardizing forms derived from
animal motives as ornamental elements.
This art style can be fully understood only as an integral part
of the structure of Northwest coast culture. The fundamental idea
underlying the thoughts, feelings, and activities of these tribes is the
value of rank. which gives title to the use of privileges, most of
which find expression in artistic activities or in the use of art forms.
Rank and social position bestow the privilege to use certain animal
figures as paintings or carvings on the house front, on totem poles,
on masks and on the utensils of every day life. Rank and social
position give the right to tell certain tales referring to ancestral
exploits; they determine the songs which may be sung. There are
other obligations and privileges related to rank and social position,
but the most outstanding feature is the intimate association between
social standing and art forms. A similar relation, although not
quite so intimate, prevails in the relation of religious activities and
manifestations of art. It is as though the heraldic idea had taken
hold of the whole life and had permeated it with the feeling that
social standing must be expressed at every step by heraldry which,
however, is not confined to space forms alone but extends over
literary, musical and dramatic expression. Who can tell whether
the association between social standing and the use of certain animal
forms, — that is the totemic aspect of social life, — has given the
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 281
prime impetus to the art development or whether the art impetus
has developed and enriched totemic life? Our observations make
it seem plausible that the particular symbolic development of art
would not have occurred, if the totemic ideas had been absent and
that we are dealing with the gradual intrusion of ever fuller animal
motives into a well established conventionalized art. On the other
hand it seems quite cer- |
tain that the exuberance Emm
Hi ll
| PD TIER
. Zu
of totemic form has been Pili
S TU
stimulated by the value pecus
given to the art form. We
may observe among all
the tribes that high chiefs
claim highly specialized
art forms that are built
up on the general back-
ground of totemic repre-
sentation. In the south,
there is clear evidence of
the late exuberant develop-
ment of the totemic, Or Fig. 291. Ancient type of Kwakiutl box.
perhaps better, crest idea,
owing to the strong endeavor to raise by the possession of art
forms the standing of the social units to which the individual belongs.
The multiplicity of forms among the numerous small divisions of
the Kwakiutl and the sporadic appearance of animal forms among
the adjoining Salish are ample proof of these relations. :
The style has undoubtedly its home in northern British Columbia
and southern Alaska. The manufactures of the tribes of Vancouver
Island show a far more extended use of geometrical ornamentation
than those of the northern tribes. I am under the impression that
these are survivals of an older style. Trays, boxes, and baskets of
the Kwakiutl Indians are still decorated with geometrical patterns.
A rattle used in a ceremony performed after the birth of twins
2
H
BT
UTI
ALBA TH
[ETH HH
FIT Th EY
CO ON
REI e
A
= UE
= = Eum
ITI IIT.
MULT,
=
—Ó—
E E Em
m ————ÓÓ————ÓMÓ—ÓÀ
—
i
282 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
A
IM
zz
Fig. 292. a, Food tray; b, Bucket, Kwakiutl.
SA d
DL
+‘
A
2)
ol
Mi
Fig. 204. Combs, Kwakiutl. Fig. 295. Bone club and sword, Kwakiutl.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 283
Fig. 296. Spindle whorls.
(fig. 19, p. 31) bears a pattern consisting of angular fields. Ancient
boxes found in caves are ornamented with a geometrical style more
elaborate than that of modern times (fig. 291).
The small food trays, the sides of which are bent out of a single
board, bear on the upper end a border pattern consisting of equi-
distant lines following the rim, while the body of the sides is orna-
mented with vertical lines (fig. 292 a). A similar border pattern is
found on buckets (fig. 292 b). In boxes a border design is cut in,
setting off the. central field
(fig. 293). Combs are decorated
with geometrical motives most
of which consist of a central
rectangular field set off from
the background by parallel lines
or developed by a subdivision
of the field. In one case tri-
angles and crossing lines with
hachure are used (fig. 294). On
a bone sword the decoration
consists of circles with center, a Fig. 207. Ladle made of big horn sheep horn,
pattern that is widely distributed Columbia River.
among the western Eskimo, the plateau tribes of the interior and in
California (fig. 295). It will be noticed that the head carved at
the end of this specimen does not conform at all to the style of
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
—— A Ot Op
—{D
0e dem ab -
(D>
—®
oo
ea ——e
Fig. 298. Clubs made of
art here discussed but rather agrees with the carving found in the
region of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound. Another specimen
(fig. 295), differs still more from the style of the Northwest coast
art and resembles that of the tribes of the interior.
In the art of the West coast of Vancouver Island, in a few ancient
specimens of the Kwakiutl and particularly in the whole area of
the Gulf of Georgia, a triangular motive analagous to the “Kerb-
schnitt" of northern Europe, plays an important role. It is found
on the ancient Kwakiutl boxes previously referred to (fig. 291), and
is a common decorative motive on clubs made of bone of whale
ci i,
285
bone of whale, Nootka.
(fig. 298). A related motive is found on spindle whorls (fig. 296).
It is also found on representative wood carvings, as on the eagle
design on a house post from the Fraser River Delta (Plate XIII p. 288).
In the region still farther south, this ornament becomes more and
more important, as may be seen on dishes and spoons from the
Columbia River area. On these the circular design and central dot
also occur (fig. 297).
A number of ancient specimens prove the existence of a fixed
art style in this region, representative, but differing in character from
the style of the Northwest coast. This is best illustrated by a
|
|
| 286 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
|
|
Fig. 299. Clubs made of bone of
series of war clubs. The fundamental type is a blade of a lenticular
cross section surmounted by a head resembling that of an eagle,
which bears on its head a bird head dress not unlike what is used
by the Nootka of modern times.! In all the specimens represented
in figures 298 and 299 this fundamental form will be recognized,
although in many cases the outlines are so crude that the elements
of the composition are recognized with difficulty only. It is possible
Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol II, figs. 165—168.
! See Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound,
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 287
whale, Nootka and coast of Salish.
that in a number of these carvings it was not the intent to represent
the eagle with bird headdress, but that the form is rather due to
the compelling influence of a standardized form that determined the
outlines of the subject of the representation. Common to these
clubs is also the central ornamental line ending near the point in a
circular ornament which is often given the form of a human head.
Representations of animals in wood carving differ also in import-
ant features from those of the northern region. The tendency to
ornament the whole body, the dislike of a plain background is not
mare DE GES rm MH sa ttti Área cinesi mc eae
288 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
found here. If we are right in assuming that the fullest develop-
ment of a rich ornamentation in the north is late, we might say
that in the south the ornamentation has not yet encroached upon
the whole background. The eye design,
double curve, the slit design are foreign
to this area. Instead of house posts carved
in the round, we find heavy posts of rect-
angular cross section which bear on the
front figures carved in the round or in
high relief. Sometimes the post assumes
geometrical forms. A characteristic trait
of the human face in this region is the
sharp angle setting off the forehead from
the face. This is most pronounced in
the carvings of the Puget Sound region
(fig. 300 and Plate XIV).
On Puget Sound animal representations
are used with great frequency in basketry,
particularly as ornamental borders. In
ancient times they were also applied to
hats (fig. 301, see also fig. 72 p. 79).
This style seems to be entirely missing
in the north.
At the present time the Kwakiutl apply
the symbolic style in house paintings, house
posts, and masks. The skill of the artist is
not inferior to that found among the northern tribes, but the subject
matter differs somewhat according to the difference in mythological
concepts. The distortions in painting are, if anything, more daring
than those of the Haida, but I have not observed to the same
degree the tendency to interlock various animal forms, as is done
on spoon handles and totem poles of the northern tribes. On totem
poles so far as these occur, and on house posts the single figures
are placed one on top of the other, but they remain separated. The
Fig. 300. House posts, Lower
Fraser River.
PLATE XIII.
1a.
sh Columbi
ti
raser River Delta, Bri
F
J
House Post near Eburne
UNI BIBL
BER LIN.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 289
masks are painted as elaborately as those of the northern tribes.
Double masks and revolving attachments occur. In short, the deco-
rative art of those objects that are strictly related to use in totemic
and similar ceremonies, have the northern type, while objects of
every day life tend to have
geometric ornamentation.
The use of animal forms
on large dishes (see fig.
198,. p. 208) is a charact-
eristic trait of this region.
Historical tradition con-
firms our view that the
northern art type is of
recent introduction among
the Kwakiutl. In ancient
times the walls of the
houses were built of hori-
zontal, overlapping boards
that did not admit painting,
excepton separate planks.
Old Indians claim that,
until about 1860, the house
posts were heavy planks
CSIR
SR XXL SES b.
SO S060 SRS 508
(^
AS
0905
5
X EA
KSC XRG SS
SH SA
3
-
7
9
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CH
SK
SS
SOS
RRS
S
S
X
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S
A
5
X
5
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"e
Ko
oS
Cx
x
S
SS
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XR
XL X
e
9
(Se
So
LAX
2
p23
utut
(^ d KR RR,
2%
58
à
oS
S
ox
CEE
CSS D
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(5090506
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RES
ete.
94
SS
SC
DICH
GS
:
Fig. 302. Designs on matting, Kwakiutl.
with relief carving or painting,— like those known to us from Fraser
River, and that only masks were of the same type as those now in use.
While realistic representations are rare among the northern tribes,
they are found quite frequently among the'Kwakiutl. They are
principally caricatures that are made and exhibited for the purpose
of ridiculing a rival. A head used in a ceremonial performance has
been referred to before (fig. 156 p. 185).
| have stated that in basketry and matting geometrical ornamen-
tation is used by all the tribes.
It is the style of the woman's art.
On decorated mats checker designs are made in black and red on
the background of natural color of cedar bark (fig. 302). More
19 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
290 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
elaborate are the patterns which occur on spruce root weaving,
particularly on hats. These are made by twining, and ornamental
lines are developed by the occasional skipping of two woof strands.
By this device lines are produced which appear raised over the
surface of the plain weaving. The most frequent designs which are
made in this way consist of a series of diamonds and of zigzag
: lines. Sometimes these
hats are also painted.
In these the woven
pattern disappears al-
most completely under
the painted design
7 ZEE
VENT
(fig. 303).
On the coast of
« AAR Alaska we find the
RE
a highest development of
ASS it
Où
17/17, .
SESS (f Eod rest o
Qu m the geometric style.
RZ a In Tn The patterns used on
these baskets consist of
angular forms, except
Fig. 303. Woven hat of spruce root, Kwakiutl. on modern placques,
and bear names.* From
the way in which these are used we may infer that they have no
symbolic significance. I give here a selection of these. Fig. 304 a,
b, c, patterns consisting of zigzag lines, represent in this order: the
woodworm or the woodworm tracks (a), lightning (b), the butterfly (c).
The rectangle divided by an oblique line, (d), represents tracks of the
bear; the dark part of the rectangle may be interpreted as the sole
of the foot; the light part of the rectangle as the claws. The design (e)
is called the arrow; (f) the rainbow; (g) fire weed; and (A) the hood
of the raven. Fig. 305 a shows various representations of the isosceles
triangle, some of which are identical with the forms occurring in
! G, T. Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit, Memoirs American Museum of
Natural History. Vol. 3 (1903) pp. 229 et seq.
291
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
(
)
(
Fig. 304. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry.
292 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
California. All of these are called head of the salmon-berry. The
designs b, c, and d, are closely related; (b) is generally used on the
narrow central band which separates two broad design bands;
it is called *tying". Flying geese are represented in (c); tracks of
geese in (d). The complicated design in (e) is called “raven tail”,
the relation between this name and the form is not clear; (f) shows
a number of representations of the wave. Designs (g) and (h) are
from circular placques; (g) represents the fern frond; (h) the
porpoise. In the last named case the relation between form and
name is obscure.
I have little doubt that the designs are closely related to the
blanket patterns previously referred to and to the porcupine quill
embroidery of the tribes of the interior. The design fig. 304 h,
for instance, is found in identical form on the lowest stripe of
the Bella Coola blanket on top of Plate XII. The arrangement
of patterns in blocks on these blankets is also similar to the
arrangement found in this type of basketry. In fact the technique
is a kind of embroidery in which the decorative material is wrapped
around the woof strand when the basket is being made. The ma-
terials used are grasses and fern stems of contrasting color.
The baskets are round, mostly with almost straight walls. The
diameter is very nearly equal to the height. On the majority of
baskets which are used for berrying and as general receptacles, the
patterns are applied in horizontal bands. The rim of the basket is
generally undecorated. The rim weave which holds the warp to-
gether, is in most cases quite insignificant and does not give a
decorative effect. The only specimen of decorative band at the
upper rim, with which I am familiar, has no color embroidery but
has only a zigzag decoration made by the process of twilling de-
scribed before, similar to the pattern fig. 304 h. Most baskets are
decorated by a broad band parallel to the rim, which consists of
two wide stripes separated by a narrow one. These bands are
placed at a short distance from the upper rim. (Plate XIV). The
distance is often about equal to the width of the central band. The .
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 293
— |
QUU
I
2) rr
Fig. 305. Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry.
294 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
designs on the wide upper and lower bands are generally identical.
The central dividing band is in most cases decorated with small
elements arranged in zigzag lines. In a fairly large number of cases,
only the two outer bands are embroidered, while the central band
remains undecorated. In a few cases the central band is reduced
to a single undecorated line of stitches wo that the impression is
conveyed of a single broad band encircling the whole basket. In
open work spoon baskets the central band is placed near the
middle of the basket, while the outer bands are moved to the
bottom and to the upper border. Although some of the designs
are of such a character that they may be used as continuous
horizontal bands, there is a marked tendency of dividing up the
circumference into a number of panels which are separated by
straight vertical lines.
A considerable number of the baskets decorated with three bands
have either two or four “droppers”, and in a few cases the design
of the “dropper” is repeated over the upper design. The number
of repetitions of the design in the bands is quite irregular, some of
the large designs are repeated only twice. When there are many
repetitions of the design in the upper and lower band their distri-
bution is generally quite independent, that is, the upper and lower
design elements are not fitted the one over the other.
Unfortunately there is not enough porcupine embroidery available
that will allow us to investigate in detail the relations between the
patterns used in this industry and in basketry. The designs here
described are akin to the geometrical basketry patterns of other
parts of the Pacific slope and to designs occurring in bead em-
broidery. They are entirely foreign to the painting and carving
described in the previous pages.
Northwest Coast culture has exerted its influence over the tribes
both of the north and south. The woodwork of the Columbia
River region and of northern California has undoubtedly been stim-
ulated by its example. Although the style changes materially, the
technique of handling the wood and the relative abundance of wood
PLATE XIV.
kets.
Tlingit Bas
UNIV. BIBL.
BERLIN.
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 295
carving indicates the interrelation of these cultures. Taken in con-
junction with other features,— such as the peculiar type of correla-
tion of wealth and rank and the extensive use of standards of
value,— the historical relation seems firmly established. The art
style of woodwork does not exhibit a close affinity to the North
West Coast, We have shown that the older art of the Gulf of Georgia
is quite distinct from that of the North West Coast. The further
south we go the more meager become the vestiges of the symbolic
style here treated. |
In the north conditions are somewhat different. Even among the
northern Tlingit tribes some types of masks may be observed that
are conceptionally different from those found further south. They
are characterized by the attachment of small animal figures to the
face,— particularly on the forehead and cheeks. This usage is much
more frequent among the Eskimo tribes.! Their masks tend to be
flat and appear like plastic representations of their paintings and
eichings: realistic forms of human or imaginary beings or of ani-
mals. They have adopted from the North West Coast the attach-
ment of parts of the body to the face, while these parts,— such as
hands and feet, retain their realistic character. The attachment of
small animal forms to the face is quite frequent here. Its source
may perhaps be found in the application of animal heads to carved
objects, which is one of the principle features of the decorative art
of the Alaskan Eskimo. It is exemplified in the needle cases shown
in fig. 119, p. 125. The abundance of masks can hardly be under-
stood unless we assume that the coast people of the south exerted
‚a powerful influence over the Eskimo. The eastern Eskimo, among
whom this influence is lacking, have few masks of quite a different type.
The relation of the North West Coast art to that of the adjoining
plateaus of the interior deserves special consideration. The contrast
1 Gje E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, 18th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am.
Ethn. (1899) Plates 95 et seq.; also the Athapascan masks from Anvik in J. W.
Chapman, Notes on the Tinneh tribe of Anvik, Congrés International des America-
nistes XVe session, Vol 2, pp. 7 et seq.
296 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
between the two is striking. A few of the tribes that have adopted, partially
at least, totemic ideas of the coast people, as the Lillooet, have taken over
with it a moderate amount of carving. A few that have fallen more fully
under the sway of the North West Coast culture, as the Bella Coola,
Babine, and a few of the Alaskan tribes near the coast of southern
Alaska, have also, to a great extent, adopted the art style of the coast.
D AMA, A
Fig. 306. a, Rawhide pouch, Salish or Chinook; b, Design from parfleche,
Fort Colville, Washington.
As soon as we move farther inland we find an art that, in its
essential characteristics, is subject to the Plains art. The style and
decoration of the clothing are essentially those of the Plains. Rude
pictography is used extensively. There is hardly any attempt to fit
the pictographic representation to the decorative field that serves
merely as the background on which the representative design is
conveniently placed. Most of the geometric patterns that do occur
are closely related to eastern forms. A rawhide pouch from the
interior of British Columbia (fig. 28, p. 36) may serve as an
example. .On parfleches and rawhide pouches from Fort Colville
and from Columbia River (fig. 306) we find the same designs that
Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America 297
are characteristic of eastern. paintings on rawhide (see figs. 144—-
146 pp. 170—172). Analogous forms are found in bone carvings
from the Tahltan in Alaska (fig. 307). In the southern parts of the
plateaus of British Columbia, simple lines and circles with center
are the most common decorative pattern on bone and on wood.
Representative sculpture is rare although a few ancient specimens
have been found.
The: archaeological
remains prove that
at an early time the
same art type pre- Fig. 307. Scraper of bone, Tahltan.
vailed in the Delta :
of: Fraser River,
The symbolism of
the patterns is very
weak, but seems
analogous to that
found in the east.
Decorative art is
most highly develop- Fig. 308. Detail of imbricated basketry.
ed in basketry. The
basketry of the Coast tribes is made by twining or weaving, but the
highly decorated basketry of the interior is exclusively of the coiled
type. Only among the Sahaptin and other tribes to the southeast do
we find elaborately decorated twined bags. The twined weaving of the
interior of British Columbia is largely undecorated or bears a few
lines set off in lighter color. The coiled weaving is decorated by
imbrication, a method peculiar to that part of the plateaus extending
from the Columbia River to Chilcotin (fig. 308). In this area a
number of decorative art styles have developed. These appear
most clearly on the burden baskets. The southern baskets are
round and flaring, those of southern British Columbia are angular
in cross section, those of the north oblong and of irregular form.
The southern baskets are decorated all over with designs resembling
298 Art of the North Pacific Coast of North America
Californian patterns. Those of the Thompson River have design
areas set off against an undecorated background. The designs are
made by imbrication and extend over the whole side of the basket,
evenly on all sides. The Lillooet baskets are more flaring than
those of the Thompson. The coils are wider and the decorative
field is arranged in a different manner. The imbrication is confined
to the upper two-thirds of the basket while the lower part remains
undecorated, except that there are frequently two hangers on the
wide sides which may be compared to the hangers on Tlingit bas-
kets, described before. 1 am doubtful whether there is an historical
connection between the two, notwithstanding their striking similarity.
The Indians suggest that the hangers may have developed from the
earlier use of birch bark baskets. These were often wrapped at the
upper part with buckskin the lower portion of which hung down
freely in fringes, so that the droppers would represent the fringes.
Many of the Lillooet designs are large. (Plate XV).
The Chilcotin, type differs. from the preceding by the small size of
the coil and a distinctive form, the narrow ends being higher than
the middle of the long sides. The treatment of the decorative field
is similar to that used by the Tlingit. The ornamentation consists of
three bands; the upper and the lower ones wide, bearing the same
kind of decorative design and the central one narrower and either
undecorated or showing a design of a different character. Arrange-
ments of this kind are used so frequently that is seems hardly
justifiable to consider them as proof of an historical connection be-
tween Tlingit and Chilcotin basketry. We find similar arrangements
for instance in the pouches of the Woodland Indians referred to on
p. 175, Bes. 140, 150.
PLATE XV.
ington.
ish Columbia and Wash
i
Imbricated Baskets from Br
3
nz
m
zu
zo
2
LITERATURE, MUSIC, AND DANCE.
We shall now turn to a consideration of literature, music and dance.
It is a noticeable fact that a rich literary art is much more uni-
versally distributed than well developed decorative art. While among
tribes like the Bushman and the eastern Eskimo very few manu-
factured objects of artistic value are found, these same tribes pro-
duce an abundance of literary work. Volumes of Eskimo lore have
been collected and if it did not require a most intimate knowledge
of the people and an endless amount of patience to collect songs
and poems, their number would undoubtedly equal that of tales.
The collections of Bushman lore are also quite extended. I believe
the reason for this difference is not far to seek. Decorative art
requires rest and quiet, a stationary abode. There must be oppor-
tunity to continue steadily the work which requires the use of tools;
or at least there must be a chance to lay it aside and to take it
up again. The life of hunters is not favorable to the prosecution
of such work. First of all the weapons of the hunter must be kept
in order. The supply of provisions is generally so scanty or the
possibility of laying by stores for future use is so limited, that the
hunter is compelled to spend the greater part of every day in
pursuit of the game. Little time remains for domestic work.
Furthermore when camp is shifted which is frequently necessary,
bulky, half finished work can be carried along with difficulty only.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the household goods of the
hunter are few in number and easily transported. The property of
a Bushman family might be carried in two hands. ;
Quite different are conditions under which literary work and
music develop. It might be imagined that the hunter has just as
little time for poetic work, as for the manufacture of decorated
articles. This opinion is based on an erroneous conception of the
work of the hunter. He is not all the time following strenuously
300 - Literature, music, and dance
the tracks of the game, but often he resorts to trapping, or he sits
still, waiting for the game to appear. The Eskimo, for instance, sits
for hours by the breathing-hole of the seal. During such times his
fancy is free to wander and many of his songs take shape during
these moments. There are other times of enforced idleness in
which manual work is impossible but when the people may give
free range to their fancy. An instance of this stands out clearly in
my mind: An Eskimo youth was carried away in the fall on the
drifting ice. After a few days he succeeded in reaching land.
During these days of danger and privation he composed a song in
which he mocked his own misfortunes and the hardships he had
endured, a song which appealed to the fancy of the people and
which soon became popular in all the villages.!
“Aya, I am joyful; this is good!
Aya, there is nothing but ice around me, that is good!
Aya, I am joyful; this is good! |
My country is nothing but slush, that is good!
Aya, I ‘am joyful; this is good!
Aya, when, indeed, will this end? this is good!
I am tired of watching and waking, this is good!“
We must remember that the first condition for the development
of artistic handicraft is leisure. No matter how strong the art
impulse may be, it cannot find expression so long as man’s time is
entirely taken up by procuring the barest necessities of life. The
paleolithic hunter who painted on the walls of the caves must have
been able to spare sufficient time from the labor of getting his food
supply to devote himself to the joy of painting the animals of the
chase. We recognize in a study of the art products of each people
that the amount they produce is in direct relation to the amount of
their leisure. Therefore tribes that procure their main food supply
in one season and store it up for the rest of the year and who
enjoy, therefore, seasons of leisure, will be found to be most pro-
ductive in works of art as well as in ceremonial affairs and other
* See Journal of American Folk Lore, Vol. 7, p. 50.
| Literature, music, and dance 301
manifestations of social life that do not contribute to the mere need
of food and shelter.
These conditions are more easily fulfilled for those arts that do
not require manual labor than for those based on industrial occu-
pations; hence the wider distribution of literary art.
The two fundamental forms of literature, song. and tale, are
found universally and must be considered the primary form of
literary activity. Poetry without music, that is to say forms of
literary expression of fixed rhythmic form, are found only in
civilized communities, except perhaps in chanted formulas. In
simpler cultural forms the music of language alone does not seem
to be felt as an artistic expression, while fixed rhythms that are
sung occur everywhere.
We may even recognize that in all parts of the world songs are
found in which the words are subordinated to music. As we sing
tunes without words, either because the words are not known, — or,
more significantly, on a refrain, on vocables consisting of syllables
without meaning, — so songs carried along on a meaningless burden
are found in all parts of the globe. They are not often recorded
because the collection of material of this kind is quite novel, but
the data that .we have in hand prove that the connection between
song and burden is universal. The Eskimo have songs carried
along on the syllables amna aya, iya aya, and other similar ones.
In some cases there is a certain emotional significance inherent
in the burden, as on the Northwest coast of America where the
songs refer to different supernatural beings, each having its own
characteristic syllables: the cannibal spirit ham ham, the grizzly
bear hei hei and so on. According to the usual definition of poetry
we should perhaps exclude these songs, but that is impossible be-
cause the transition from songs carried along by the burden alone
and others that contain significant words is quite gradual. In many
cases a single word is introduced at a definite point of the tune
and the verses contain each one single word. This may be the
name of the supernatural being to which the song refers.
302 “Literature, music, anddance
Thus we have in British Columbia
Ham ham hamaya, He-who-travels-from-one-end-of-the-world-to-the-other
ham ham.
Ham ham hamaya, The-great-cannibal-of-the-north-end-of-the-world,
ham ham.
Ham ham hamaya, He-who-carries-corpses-to-be-his-food,
ham ham.
In other songs the significant words are more elaborate. They
are phrases fitted to the tunes, often by doing violence to the
ordinary forms of the words. The words are controlled by the
tunes. I might imitate this in the following way:
Instead of “I saw the great spirit travelling about“. We might have
I sawhaw the greaheat sp'rit tra'ling ‘bout, ham ham.
This process is not quite unfamiliar to us in so far as we use the
apostrophe for syllables that in ordinary speech are not slurred,
when we expand a long vowel over several tones, when we utilise
archaic pronunciations for the sake of the meter, or when wrong
accents are introduced. Disregard for the words is found also in bor-
rowed songs which are sung in a language that is not understood
and in which the words (which are usually mispronounced) have only
the value of a burden that may be connected with a certain emotion
determined by the use of the song. All these forms are found every-
where and must therefore be considered the foundations of poetry.
Primitive poetry is primarily lyric, in many cases dithyrambic,
and elements which express definite coherent ideas are, in all prob-
ability, later developments. Perhaps we may see here an analogy
to the growth of language. In the animal world cries are primarily
reactions to emotions and only indirectly designative. It seems
likely that in human speech the spontaneous emotional cry preceded
" the designative and so much more the predicative expression, not
by any means in the sense that the exclamation accounts for the
origin of organized speech, but that it is probably the first form of
articulation.
Literature, music, and dance 303
It must not be assumed that the control of the word by music
is characteristic of all primitive song. On the contrary, in recitatives
which are quite common, the words are often controlling and musical
phrases are added or omitted whenever the words require it.
Among the Sioux Indians we find often both tendencies; the words
adapted to the tunes and the tune, on its part, adjusted to the words.'
We might express the results of our considerations in stating
that song is older than poetry and that poetry bas gradually emanci-
pated itself from music.
The relation between music, words and dance are of a similar
character. Primitive literary expression is often, though not by any
means always, accompanied by some kind of motor activity; Or
certain kinds of motions may release articulations that take the
form of song or of spoken words. Strong, but controlled emotion
finds utterance in movements of the body and in articulation, and
emotional speech releases similar movements. This may be inferred
from the frequent association of song and dance, of song and games,
and of that of gestures and lively speech. Dance has always remained
associated with music, but with the emancipation of poetry music
has lost its close association with the spoken word.
Primitive artistic prose has two important forms: narrative and
oratory. The form of modern prose is largely determined by the
fact that it is read, not spoken, while primitive prose is based on
the art of oral delivery and is, therefore, more closely related to
modern oratory than to the printed literary style. The stylistic
difference between the two forms is considerable.
Unfortunately most primitive prose has been recorded in European
languages only, and it is impossible to determine the accuracy of the
rendering. In most of the records there is an obvious attempt to
adapt it to the European literary style. Even when the material
is available in the original text we may assume that, at least in the
majority of cases, it does not reach the standard of excellence of
| Frances Densmore, Teton Sioux Music, Bull. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 61, Wash-
ington, 1918; see, for instance No. 38, p. 162.
304 Literature, music, and dance
the art of native narrative. The difficulty of phonetic rendering of
~ foreign languages requires such slowness of dictation that the artistic
style necessarily suffers. The number of collectors who possess
complete mastery of the languages of the natives is altogether too
small. The best approximation to the art of narrative of primitive
people is probably found in those cases in which educated natives
write down the texts, or in the records taken down by missionaries
who in long years of personal, intimate contact with the people have
acquired complete control of their language, and who are willing to
give us just what they hear.
As an example of the difference in style between the free render-
ing of a story told in English by an interpreter, and the translation
of a native text I; give part of the Twin-Hero story of Sia, as
told by M. C. Stevenson, and the same story as dictated to me in
Laguna. Mrs. Stevenson! tells as follows: Upon visiting the plaza
the twins found a large gathering and the housetops were crowded
with those looking at the dance. The boys who approached the
plaza from a narrow street in the village, stood for a time at the
entrance. The one remarked, “I guess all the people are looking at
us and thinking we are very poor boys; see how they pass back
and forth and do not speak to us;” but after a while he said, “We
are a little hungry; let us walk around and see where we can find
something to eat.” They looked in all the houses facing upon the
plaza and saw feasting within, but no one invited them to enter
and eat, and though they inspected every house in the village, they
were invited into but one. At this house the woman said, “Boys,
come in and eat; I guess you are hungry." After the repast they
thanked her, saying, *It was very good." Then the one said, *You,
woman, and you, man," addressing her husband, *you and all your
family are good. We have eaten at your house; we give you many
thanks; and now listen to what I have to say. I wish you and all
your children to go off a distance to another house; to a house
! Matilda Coxe Stevenson, The Sia, 11th Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology,
Washington, 1894, pp. 54—55.
Literature, music, and dance 305
which stands alone; the round house off from the village. All of
you stay there for a while.”
The Laguna version is as follows :*
Long ago. — Eh. — Long ago in the north in Whitehouse lived
the people. At that time they had a war dance. At that time, when
they were dancing, Salt- Woman and her grandsons, the Twin-Heroes,
were travelling in this direction searching for a town, yes, some
place where nobody would make dirt, searching for good water
standing on the ground; for that they were searching. At the time
they reached Whitehouse the people were having a war dance.
They arrived at the east end of the town, and they climbed up the
ladder, entered after having climbed down, but nobody said anything
to them. Then they climbed up and out again. Again they climbed
down into a house on the west and again they entered, climbing
downward. Here also nobody invited them in and nobody gave
them to eat. Then they climbed up going out and climbed down
the ladder. Then the grandmother spoke thus, “Grandchildren, are
you hungry?’ said she to them. Then the Twin-Heroes spoke,
“Yes,” they said to her. Then the grandmother, Salt-Woman, spoke
thus, “Now let us go for the last time, climb up the house to the
west. Thus said Salt-Woman. They went westward and climbed
up, then they climbed down the ladder and entered. When they
had entered the Parrot People were about to eat. They said,
“How is everything?” — “It is well,” said the Parrot People.
«Sit down,” said the Parrot People. Then they sat down and
soon they were satisfied. After a while the one who was the
mother of the Parrot People spoke thus, “Give them to eat,” said
she. Then they gave them to eat and they dipped out the deer
meat with a chamber vessel. Then the one who was the mother
spoke thus, “Take this; eat,” said she. Then Salt-Woman put her
hand into the soup that had been dipped out and she stirred it
with her hand and they ate and they were satisfied. Then the one
1 Franz Boas, Keresan Texts, Publications of the American Ethnological Society,
Vol. 8, p. 17.
20 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
306 Literature, music, and dance
who was the mother of the Parrot People took it away. She spoke
thus, “I wonder why this soup is so different,” said she. Then
she tasted it. Then the one who was the mother spoke thus, “Oh
my, that soup is very sweet,” said the one who was the mother.
Then Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Behold, go on, dip it out and give
it to them and eat," said Salt-Woman. Then she dipped out the
soup and passed it about. They sat down there together. Then
Salt-Woman took scabs from her body (which was salt) and she
put the salt in for them. Then Salt-Woman spoke thus, “Let us
continue to stir it,” said Salt-Woman. Then they stirred it and ate.
Now Salt-Woman spoke thus, “I tell you this,“ said Salt-Woman,
“I am Salt-Woman, there is no sickness on my body. Is not this
my body pure salt?” said Salt-Woman. “Now I also tell you this,”
said Salt-Woman. “How many children have you and how many
families of Parrot People live here?” said Salt-Woman. “Now go
ahead and come in this direction," said she, *for I am very grateful
because you gave me to eat," said Salt- Woman. Now the one who
.was the mother of the Parrot People went to call her relatives.
She brought the whole number of them. Then she took them
down and Salt-Woman spoke thus, *Are these your relatives, the
Parrot People?" — “Yes,” said the one who was the mother.
“Indeed,” she said, “Go ahead, take this basket and give it to me,”
said Salt-Woman. Then she gave the basket to Salt-Woman and
salt came off from her arms and from her feet. Then she picked
it up and put it into the basket. “Take this,” said Salt-Woman,
“with this you will season what you eat." Then again she spoke
thus, *Enough,* she said, “it is good, thank you. Now we shall
climb up and go out from here. You stay here," said Salt- Woman,
“then, when the Twin-Heroes are ready we shall open the door
after a while." Thus spoke Salt-Woman. Then they climbed up
and went away and climbed down again. After they had climbed
down outside the children came and looked at them for a while.
The Twin-Heroes were playing thereabouts with a shuttlecock. Then
the children spoke thus, “Boy,” said they, “go ahead, bring me
Literature, music, and dance 307
this shuttlecock,“ said the children. Then the younger one of the
Twin-Heroes spoke thus, *Go ahead," said he, *stand there to the
south under the cotton wood tree." The children went southward.
They arrived there. Then the children spoke thus, *Go ahead,"
they said. “Now look out,” said the elder one of the Twin-Heroes,
«I throw the shuttlecock southward.” When it arrived at the south
where they stood, the shuttlecock fell down between them. Then
all were turned into chaparal jays. All flew upward. Then Salt-
Woman and her grandchildren went to the south. They arrived in
the south. Then the elder one of the Twin-Heroes stood up. He
took up his shuttlecock in his turn. The younger one said, “Now,
look out, it is my turn. Let me make the shuttlecock fly to the
north.” — *Go ahead," said the elder one. The younger one
made the shuttlecock fly northward. In the north it reached the
plaza and when the shuttlecock fell down the people were transformed
into stones. Then Salt-Woman spoke thus, *Enough," said she, *Now
go ahead to the house of the Parrot People and open the door."
Another example may not be amiss. Dr. Ruth Benedict recorded
the following as part of the creation myth from a Zuni Indian who
has a good command of English:
«The Two came to the fourth world. It was dark there; they
could see nothing. They met a man; he was naked and his body
was covered with green slime, he had a tail, and a horn on his
forehead. He took them to his people. The Two said to them,
«In the upper world there is no one to worship the sun. He has
sent us down to you to take you out to the world above." They
said, “We are willing. In this world we cannot see one another, we
step upon one another, we urinate upon one another, we spit upon
one another, we throw refuse upon one another. It is nasty here,
we do not want to stay. We have been waiting for someone to
lead us out. But you must go to the priest of the north; we want
to know what he has to say."
They took them to the priest of the north. He said to them,
«What is it that you have come to say?” — “We want you to
308
Literature, music, and dance
come out into the upper world." — *We are willing to go. In
this world we cannot see, we step upon one another, we urinate
upon one another, we throw refuse upon another, we spit upon
one another. It is nasty here, we do not want to stay. We have
been waiting for someone to lead us out. But you must go to the
- priest. of the west; we want to know what he has to say." (This
is repeated for the priests of the six directions.)
Cushing! has rendered the same incident as follows:
*Anon in the nethermost of the four cave-wombs of the world,
the seed of men and the creatures took form and increased; even
as within eggs in warm places worms speedily appear, which growing,
presently burst their shells and become as may happen, birds,
tadpoles, or serpents, so did men and all creatures grow manifoldly
and multiply in many kinds. Thus the lowermost womb or cave-
world, which was Anosin tehuli (the womb of sooty depth or of
growth-germination, because it was the place of first formation and
dark as a chimney at night time, foul too, as the internals of the
belly) thus did it become overfilled with being. Everywhere were
unfinished creatures, crawling like reptiles one over another in filth
and black darkness, crowding thickly together and treading each
other, one spitting on another or doing other indecency, insomuch
. that loud became their murmurings and lamentations, until many
among them sought to escape, growing wiser and more manlike."
I think these examples demonstrate that it is not easy to
discover from published material the stylistic pattern of primitive
narrative. Sometimes the rendering is bald and dry owing to the
difficulties of expression that the interpreter cannot overcome; some-
times elaborated in a superimposed literary style that does not
belong to the original.
In free prose narrative particular stress is laid upon the com-
pleteness of the succession of events. Both Pueblo and Kwakiutl
informants criticize tales from this point of view. A Pueblo will
! Frank H. Cushing, Zuni Creation Myths, 13th Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, p. 381.
Literature, music, and dance 309
say, “You cannot say, ‘he entered the house, for he must. first
climb up the ladder, then down into the house. He must greet those
present properly and receive the proper courteous reply." None of
these steps may be omitted. This is illustrated by the example
of the Laguna tale referred to before (see p. 305). The Kwakiutl
cannot say, “Then he spoke,” but they would say “Then. he arose,
spoke and said.” They do not allow a person to arrive at a place
without first letting him start and travel. An epic diffusiveness, an
insistence on details is characteristic of most free primitive narrative.
Besides these free elements, primitive prose contains passages of
fixed form which are, to a great extent, the source of its attractive-
ness to the hearer. Quite often these passages consist of conversa-
tion between the actors and in these, deviations from the fixed for-
mula, are not permitted. In other cases they are of rhythmic form
and must be considered poetry, chants or songs rather than prose.
In almost all reliable collections the fixed, formal parts are of con-
siderable importance. In a few cases, as among the Wailaki of
California, the connective text disappears almost completely.
In contrast to the fullness of the free narrative these formal parts
are apt to be so brief that they are obscure unless the significance
of the story is known to the hearers. Examples of these are the
brief tales of the Eskimo. In Cumberland Sound I recorded the
following example:! a tale of a woman and the Spirit of the
Singing-House.
«Where is its owner? Where is its master? Has the singing-
house an owner? Has the singing-house a master? It has no
owner.” — “Here he is, there he is.” — “Where are his
feet? Where are the calves of his legs? Where are his
knees? Where are his thighs?" — “Here they are, there
they are.” — “Where is his stomach ?" — “Here it is, there
it is.” — "Where is his chest? Where is his arm? Where
is his neck? Where is his head?” — “Here it is, there it
is.” He had no hair.
1 Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 7, (1894), p. 45.
310 Literature, music, and dance
This means that the woman felt for the supernatural owner of
the singing-house. He is supposed to have bandy legs, no hair
and no occipital bone. To touch his soft head is immediate death.
The same observation may be made in formulas of the
Chukchee. !
"[ call Raven. My abdomen I make into a bay. The bay is
frozen. Icebound rubbish is there. All this rubbish is frozen
in the ice of the bay. It is the disease of my stomach. Oh, you
my stomach, you are full of pain. I make you into a frozen
bay, into an old ice floe, into a bad ice floe.
*Oh, Oh! I call to Raven. You Raven travel around from very
remote times. I want your assistance. What are you going to
do with this bay that is frozen? Mischievous people made it
freeze; you have a strong beak, what are you going to do?"
Sometimes these parts of tales are in an archaic form, or in a
foreign language, so that they may be quite unintelligible. Their
impressiveness rests on the form and the general emotional trend
of the passages in which they occur.
When such passages are discourse they are probably the best
material for the study of literary style.
From these remarks let us turn to a few general characteristics
of literary style, first of all to a consideration of rhythm and re-
petition.
The investigation of primitive narrative as well as of poetry
proves that repetition, particularly rhythmic repetition, is one of its
fundamental, esthetic traits.
It is not easy to form a just opinion regarding the rhythmic char-
acter of formal prose; in part because the rhythmic sense of primi-
tive people is much more highly developed than our own. The
simplification of the rhythm of modern folk song, and of poetry in-
tended to appeal to popular taste, has dulled our feeling for rhythmic
form. I have referred to this question before when discussing
! W. Bogoras, Publications of Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VIII,
Chukchee Texts, p. 133.
Literature, music, and dance 311
the complexity of rhythm in decorative art. It requires careful
study to understand the structure of primitive rhythm, more so in
prose than in song, because in this case the help of the melodic
pattern is lacking.
Rhythmic repetition of contents and form is found commonly in
primitive narrative. For example, the tales of the Chinook Indians
are often so constructed that five brothers, one after another, have
the same adventure. The four elder ones perish while the youngest
one emerges safe and successful. The tale is repeated verbatim for
all the brothers, and its length, which to our ear and to our taste
is intolerable, probably gives pleasure by the repeated form." Con-
ditions are quite similar in European fairy tales relating to the
fates of three brothers, two of whom perish or fail in their
tasks, while the youngest one succeeds. Similar repetitions are
found in the German tale of Redridinghood, in the widely spread
European story of the rooster who goes to bury his mate, or in
the story of the three bears. In Oriental tales the incidents of the
tale are sometimes repeated verbatim being retold by one of the heroes.
A few additional examples taken from the narratives of foreign
people will illustrate the general occurrence of the tendency to repe-
tition. In the Basuto tale called Kumonngoe a man leads his daugh-
ter into the wilderness where she is to be devoured by a cannibal.
On the way he meets three animals and the son of a chief. In
each case the same conversation ensues. “Where are you leading
your daughter?" — “Ask herself, she is grown up.” She replies:
«[ have given to Hlabakoane, Kumonngoe, *
To the herd of our cattle Kumonngoe
I thought our cattle were going to stay in the kraal, Kumonngoe,
And so I gave him my father's Kumonngoe."
1 Franz Boas, Chinook Texts, Bull. Bur. of Ethnol. Washington D. C., (1894),
pp. 9 et seq.
? The girl had a brother named Hlabakoane, to whom she had given a magical
food, called Kumonngoe, that belonged to her father and that the girl had been
forbidden to touch. E. Jacottet, The Treasury of Basuto Lore, Vol. 1, (1908), p. 114.
312 Literature, music, and dance
In an Omaha tale! of a Snake-Man it is related that a man flees
from a serpent. Three helpers in succession give him moccasins
which, on the following morning return of their own accord
to their owners, and every time the same conversation is
repeated. When the serpent goes in pursuit it asks every animal
for information in exactly the same words. In a tradition of
the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island the same formula is repeated
forty times together with the description of the same ceremonial.
In the tales of the Pueblo Indians the same incident is repeated
four times as happening to four sisters; the yellow, red, blue, and
white girls. In a Siberian tale of the Hare we hear that a hunter
hides under the branches of a fallen willow tree. One hare after
another appears in order to browse, espies the hunter and runs
away. In a Papua tale from New Guinea the birds come one after
another and try to peck open-the stomach of a drowned person so
as to let run out the water that he has swallowed. Still more
markedly appears this type of repetition in a tale from New Ire-
land. The birds try to throw the casuary off from the branch of a
tree on which he is perched. In order to accomplish this, one
after another alights on the same branch next to the casuary but
nearer the trunk. Thus he is compelled to move out farther and
farther until finally he drops down.
Much more striking are the rhythmic repetitions in songs. Poly-
nesian genealogies offer an excellent example. Thus we find in Hawaii
the following song:? :
Lii-ku-honua, the man,
Ola-ku-honua, the woman,
Kumo-honua, the man,
Lalo-honua, the woman,
and so on through sixteen pairs.
' James Owen Dorsey, The Thegiba Language, Contributions to North American
Ethnology, Vol. VI, (1890), Washington D. C., p. 284.
* Fornander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-lore. Mem. Bernice
Pauahi Bishop Museum, Vol. VI, Honolulu, (1919), p. 365.
| Literature, music, and dance 313
Or in a cradlesong of the Kwakiutl Indians : "
“When I am a man, then I shall be a hunter, o father! ya ha ha ha.
When I am a man, then I shall be a harpooneer, o father! ya ha ha ha.
When I am a man, then I shall be a canoe-builder, o father! ya ha ha ha.
When I am a man, then I shall be a carpenter, o father! ya ha ha ha.
When I am a man, then I shall be an artisan, o father! ya ha ha ha.
That we may not be in want, o father, ya ha ha ha."
In the Eskimo song of the raven and the geese, the raven sings :?
Oh, I am drowning, help me!
Oh, now the waters reach my great ankles.
Oh, I am drowning, help me!
Oh, now the waters reach my great knees,
and so on through all the parts of the body, up to the eves.
Quite remarkable is the analogy between this song and the fol-
lowing Australian war song:
Spear his forehead
Spear his chest
Spear his liver
Spear his heart, etc.
Rhythmic variations of a similar type develop also in oratory
when a number of persons are addressed in the same formal way:
As.an example may serve the following address in a Kwakiutl speech:
Now you will witness, Northerners,® the dance of Many-on-Fire,
the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents,
Now you will witness, Great Kwakiutl? the dance of Many-on-Fire,
the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents,
Now you will witness, Rich Side,? the dance of Many-on-Fire,
the Daughter of Giver-of-Presents,
! Franz Boas, Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, 35th An. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn,
Washington, 1921, p. 1310. |
2 W. Thalbitzer, The Ammassalik Eskimo, Meddelelser om Groenland, Vol. XL,
| p. 211. Compare before p. 309, for a similar formula from Cumberland Sound.
3 These are names of ‘tribes, Columbia Contributions to Anthropology, III, p. 140.
"314 Literature, music, and dance
Or:
“I have come Northerners; I have come Great Kwakiutl,
I have. come Rich Side." !
The repetitions discussed so far are rhythmic in form, varied in
contents. They may be compared to an orderly succession of de-
corative motives that agree in the plan of the unit, but vary in de-
tails. In poetry rhythmic repetitions of identical formal units are
frequent. These occur in all songs without words, consisting of
vocables only. An example of this is a Kwakiutl canoe song in
which every syllable is sung with one stroke of the paddles:
Aw, ha ya ha ya hà
ha ya he ya à
he ya ha ya à
A, ha ya ha ya hi
aw, ha ya he ya hä
he ya ha ya hei
ya hä
hä hä wo wo wo.
They are also found in introductions to many songs in which the
. tune is carried by vocables as an introduction to the words of the
song: *
Mai hamama.
Haimama hamamai hamamamai.
Hamama hamamayamai
Haimama hamamai hamamamai.
Rhythm is not confined to the larger units, but is applied as an
artistic device in the detailed structure. In exhortative speech some
tribes develop a rhythmic form by adding a strongly accented syl-
lable to each word. The Kwakiutl use the strongly accented ending
ai for this purpose and I may imitate the impression of their
speech by saying, Welcome-ai! brothers-ai! at my feast-ai! Here
! Ibid. p. 142.
? The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians;
Rep. U. S. National Mus. for 1895, Washington, 1897, p. 703.
Literature, music, and dance 315
the time for each word group ending in ai is approximately equal,
or the words leading up to the ending ai are at least pronounced
with great rapidity when they contain a longer phrase.
In the recital of myths rhythmic structure is sometimes attained
by the addition of meaningless syllables that transform the recital
into a chant. Thus the Fox Indians will add in the recital of the
Culture Hero legend, the syllables nootchee, nootchee. A. L. Kroeber
and Leslie Spier tell us that the myths of Southern California are
chanted. Edward Sapir has observed the Song recitative in Paiute
mythology, each animal speaking according to a definite rhythm and
tune to which the text is adjusted. I have recorded an Eskimo
tale from Cumberland Sound in which the travels of the hero
are recorded in a chant with interspersed melodic phrases? In
wails the repetition of the formal cry of moaning at short intervals
and the rapid, even pronunciation of the recital creates rhythmic
structure.
Much stricter than in prose is the rhythmic structure of song.
It is often assumed that regularity of musical rhythm, which is found
in most primitive music, is due to the multiplicity of motor actions
connected with the music, particularly to the close relation between
music and dance. It is true that primitive song is often accompanied
by movements of the body, — a swinging of the whole trunk, move-
ments of head, feet, and arms; hand clapping and stamping; but it
is an error to assume that for these the same synchronism prevails
to which we are accustomed. With us the stamping and clapping
of hands coincides with the accent of the song. Some tribes inner-
vate so that the innervation for the articulation and for the move-
ment of hands or feet coincide. This habit has the effect of letting
the clapping, drumming, or stamping follow the accent of the song.
It is also not a rare occurrence that the rhythmic pattern of body
1 Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology, Journal American Folk-lore, Vol. 23, pp.
455 et seq.
? F. Boas, Bull. A. M. N. H.. Vol. 15, pp. 335, 340, tune in Sixth Annual Report
Bureau of Ethnology, p. 655, no. 13.
Literature, music, and dance
316
movements and of song are not homologous, but that they are
interrelated in different ways or sometimes even seem to be quite
independent. Negro music as well as that of Northwest America
offers many examples of this kind.
Although the problem involved in the structure of primitive poetry is
better understood now than it was a few years ago, and although
many energetic efforts are being made to obtain adequate collections,
the material for the study of this subject is still quite insufficient.
Travellers are rarely trained in the art of recording songs and are
apt to give us only the simplest forms that offer the least difficulties,
or to summarize their observations in descriptions that are altogether
too often misleading. Exact observations show that rhythmic com-
plexity is quite common. Regular rhythms consist of from two to
seven parts, and much longer groupings occur without recognizable
regularity of rhythmic structure. Their repetition in a series of
verses proves that they are fixed units.
On account of the physiologically determined emotional quality of
rhythm it enters into all kinds of activities that are in any way
related to emotional life. Its exciting effect manifests itself in reli-
gious songs and dances. Its compelling control may be observed
in war songs; its soothing effect appears in melodies; its esthetic
value is seen in song and decorative art. The origin of rhythm
must not be looked for in religious and social activities but the effect
of rhythm is akin to the emotional states connected with them and,
therefore, arouses them and is aroused by them.
I believe the great variety of forms. in which rhythmic repetition
of the same or similar elements is used, in prose and in poetry as
a rhythm of time, in decorative art as a rhythm of space, — shows
that Bücher's theory according to which all rhythm is derived from
the movements accompanying work cannot be maintained, certainly
not in its totality. Wundt derives the rhythm of the songs used in
ceremonies from the dance, that of the working song from the
movements required in the performance of work, — a theory practi-
cally identical with that proposed by Bücher, since the movements
Literature, music, and dance 317
of the dance are quite homologous to those of work. There is no
doubt that the feeling for rhythm is strengthened by dance and the
movements required in the execution of work, not only in the com-
mon work of groups, of individuals who must try to keep time, but
also in industrial work, such as basketry or pottery that require in
their execution regularly repeated movements. The repetitions in
prose narrative as well as the rhythms of decorative art, so far as
they are not required by the technique, are proof of the inadequacy
of the purely technical explanation. The pleasure given by regular
repetition in embroidery, painting, and the stringing of beads cannot
be explained as due to technically determined, regular movements,
and there is no indication that would suggest that this kind of rhythm
developed later than the one determined by motor habits.
It is a precarious undertaking to discuss the characteristics of
primitive poetic forms, partly because so little reliable material is
available, but partly also on account of the impossibility of obtain-
ing a fair insight into the meaning and value ofliterary expression
without an intimate knowledge of the language and culture in which
they have come into being. For this reason I shall base the follow-
ing remarks principally upon observations of the Kwakiutl tribe,
a tribe with whose language and culture I am familiar. It would be
unjustifiable to generalize and to claim that the traits that I am going
to discuss are characteristic of all primitive literature. On the con-
trary, as our knowledge of primitive literature expands, individual-
ity of style will certainly be found to prevail. Still it seems likely
that features which are analogous to our own literary devices may
disclose general tendencies.
Emphasis of salient points is used extensively in Kwakiutl prose
and song. Stress is most frequently given by repetition. I give a
few examples culled from speeches: ‘Indeed, indeed, true are the
words of the song, of my song, sung for you, tribe." !
1 Contributions to the Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, Columbia University Contri-
butions to Anthropology, Vol. 3, p. 194, line 25.
au 318 Literature music, and dance
"He is a kind chief who is kind, speaking kindly to those who have
him for a chief”?
“Now is finished the song of my chief. Finished is the great
! | one"?
| "Now you will give the name Great-Inviter to Inviter who has
| come out of her room, her who has been made a princess, her who
| is all over a princess on account of this that has been done by this
chief who has her for a princess." ?
ha In songs repetitions are much more frequent than in speech.
| I give a few examples:
uu Wa, out of the way! Waw haw hawa, Wa, out of the way! Ah,
do not in vain ask for mercy, Waw haw hawa! Ah, do not in
vain ask for mercy and raise your hands.” *
Another example is the following:
“I am the only great tree in the world, I the chief: I am the
| only great tree in the world, I the chief.
HW I am the great chief who vanquishes, Ha, ha, I am the great
a chief who vanquishes, Ha, ha!" °
Emphasis may be obtained by placing the word to be emphasized
at the end of one phrase and by beginning inc next phrase with
the same word.
There are also many emphatic particles. The closing ai referred
' to before, used in exhortative oratory, belongs to this group. Verbal
a ! | affixes meaning *really", *indeed", and the like are used in formal
iu speech to give proper strength to the whole expression. In a wail
t Hi : a woman chants: “Haha, hanane, now really I do this, I remember
HE
|
my real past forefathers and really my great grandfathers and now
really I will go on with my family-myth here, telling of this, of my
beginning in the beginning of the world, of the chief who come up
! [bid., p. 258, line 24.
* Ibid., p. 268, line 25.
* Ibid, p. 308, line 3.
^ Ethnology of the Kwakiut!, Thirty-fifth Annual Report Bur. Am, Ethn., p. 1288.
* Ibid, p. 1290.
Literature, music, and dance 319
in this world, haha, hanane; and really this was my ancestor who
really was going about spouting." !
In Africa the telling of a story is enlivened by affirmative excla-
mations of the audience. When the narrator says, ‘The turtle Killed
the leopard,” the audience will repeat, clapping their hands, “The
leopard, the leopard.”
Emphasis is also. given by an accumulation of synonyms. Alter-
nate terms are often used in this manner and in the original they
often have an added rhythmical value on account of the homology
of their form. Thus the Kwakiutl sings in a laudatory chant: “I
greatly fear our chief, oh tribes! I tremble on account of this
great means of trying to cause fear, of this great means of trying
to cause terror, of this greatest cause of terror.” *®
«I shall break, I shall let disappear the great Copper, the property
of the great foolish one, the great extravagant one, the great surpas-
sing one, the one farthest ahead, the greatest Spirit-of-the-Woods
among the chiefs.” ?
The beginning or the end of a rhythmic unit is often marked by
an interjection like the ‘haha hanane” of the wail previously quoted,
or by the repetition of the same word. Both these forms occur
often in love songs:
Ye ya aye ya! You are hard hearted, you who say that you love me,
You are hard hearted, my dear!
Ye ya aye ya! You are cruel, you who say that you are lovesick
for me, my dear!
Ye ya aye ya! When are you going to talk my love ? my dear!*
or in a shaman's song: ?
! Ipid., p. 836.
2 Ibid., p. 1287.
? By "copper is meant one of the valuable plates of copper that are considered
the “highest” kind of property. The “Spirit-of-the-Woods” is the symbol of wealth
and power, Ibid. p. 1288.
* [bid., p. 1301.
° Ibid, p. 1296.
IM 320 Literature, music, and dance
I have been told to continue to heal him by
“the Good Supernatural Power,
I have been told to keep on putting the hemlock ring
over him by the Shaman-of-the-Sea,
the Good Supernatural Power,
I have been told to put back into our friend his soul, by
the Good Supernatural Power,
I have been told to give him long life, by the Long-Life-
Giver-of-the-Sea, the Chief-of- High-Water,
the Good Supernatural Power.
Symmetry in the rigid sense of the term does not exist in the
arts built on time sequences. A reversion of time sequence is not
felt as symmetry in the same way as a reversion of space sequence
where every point has its equivalent point. In time sequences we
have a feeling for symmetry only for the order of repetition and
structural phrases. The following Negro poem will illustrate this:
Ko ko re ko kom on do!
Girl gone, him no gone,
Ko ko re ko kom on do!"
It seems, however that in primitive recitative poetry and music
this form is not as frequent as in modern folk song or in modern
poetry. |
The effect of poetry and oratory depends in part on the use of
metaphor. It is hardly possible to discuss this in a generalized way,
because the appreciation of metaphor requires a most intimate knowl-
edge of the language in which it occurs. Apparent absence of
metaphor is undoubtedly more likely due to imperfect records than
to an actual absence of figures of speech. It is quite striking that it
is difficult to find metaphorical expressions in American Indian litera-
ture, although it is undoubtedly a feature of their oratory. The
whole naming system of most American Indians proves their feeling
for figurative speech.
| ! Martha Warren Beckwith, Jamaica Anansi Stories, Memoirs. Amer. Folklore
| Soc., Vol. 17 (1924) p. 107.
Literature, music, and dance 321
Here also I may be permitted to confine my remarks to the use of
metaphor among the Kwakiutl with whose speech forms I am fairly
familiar. Metaphorical expressions are used particularly when des-
cribing the greatness of a chief or of a warrior. The chief is compared
to a mountain; a precipice (from which rolls down wealth overwhelming
the tribes); a rock which cannot be climbed; the post of heaven
(who supports the world); the only great tree (that raises its
crown over the lesser trees of the woods or that rises in lonely
height on an island); a loaded canoe at anchor; the one who makes
the whole world smoky (from the fire in the house in which he
gives feasts); the thick tree; the thick root (of the tribe). It is said
that through his great acts he burns up the tribes, a term which is
primarily used for the warrior. The people follow him as the young
sawbill-ducks follow the mother bird. He makes the people suffer
with his short-life maker; he shoves away the tribes. His rival
whom he tries to vanquish is called, he with ruffled feathers; the
one whom he puts across his back (like a wolf carrying a deer);
the one with lolling tongue; the one who loses his tail (like the
salmon); the spider woman; old dog; mouldy face; dry face; broken
piece of copper.
Greatness of a chief is called the weight of his name; when he
marries a princess he lifts her weight from the floor; his wealth of
blankets is a mountain that rises through our heavens; in the feast
surrounded by his tribe, he stands on his fortress. Wealth that he
acquires is a salmon that he catches.
When following ancient customs the people walk the road laid
out for them by their ancestors.
The warrior or a person of ill temper is called *'hellebore ".
The warrior is also called *the double-headed serpent of the world”.
Metaphorical terms are an important element in the speeches ac-
companying public purchases, particularly the purchase of valuable
«coppers". Many of these terms are accompanied by symbolic
actions. The first part of the payment in the purchase of a copper
is called the pillow or mattress on which the copper is to rest or
21 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
322 Literature, music, and dance
the harpoon line by which it is hauled in. The purchase itself is cal-
led “shoving,” that means pushing the value of the purchase under
the name of the purchaser who is thus raised in rank. At the end
of the transaction the seller gives to the purchaser a certain number
of blankets (which are the standard of value) as a “belt” to hold up
the blankets (in which the purchase price is reckoned); as boxes in
which to store these blankets; and finally he gives an amount as a
dress for his dancer (that is his female relative who dances for him
on festive occasions).
When a person gives a great feast for his rival he extinguishes
the fire of his rival’s house; his feast steps up to the fire in the
middle of the house. If he surpasses his rival in liberality, his feast
steps across the fire and reaches the rear of the house where the
chief is seated.
Presents for a bride are a packline to carry her property; a mat
on which she is to sit; and a mast for her canoe. ;
I do not mention here the many euphemistic terms for sickness
and death, except a few that are used in speeches: the dead chief
has gone to take a rest; he has disappeared from this world; he
stays away; or he lies down.
Metaphorical figures in songs are not rare. Of the death of a
renowned man who was drowned, it is said in his mourning song:
“It deprived me of my mind, when the moon went down at the edge of the waters”.
And in another mourning song ?2:
Hana, hana, hana. It broke down, the post of the world.
Hana, hana, hana. It fell down to the ground, the post of the world.
Hana, hana, hana. Our great chief has taken a rest.
Hana, hana, hana. Now our past chief has fallen down.
In a feast-song the chief is compared to the salmon ?®:
! Ethnology of the Kwakintl, 35th Ann. Rep. Bur Am. Ethn. p. 1292.
* Boas, Kwakiutl Ethnology, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology.
Vol. III, p. 77.
* Ibid. p. 123.
Literature, music, and dance 323
The great one will not move, the greatest one, the great Spring Salmon.
Go on, great one, hurt the young children, the humble sparrows who are being
teased by you, great Spring Salmon.
In another feast-song the rivals are compared to insects *:
] am a chief, I am a chief, I am your chief, yours, who you are flying about.
I am too great to be bitten by those little flies that are flying about.
| am too great to be desired as food by those little horseflies that are flying about.
I am too great to be bitten by those little mosquitoes that are flying about.
In still another song he is compared to a tree”:
A great cedar dancer is our chief, our tribes.
It cannot be spanned, our great chief, our tribes.
My chief here from long ago, from the beginning of the myth time, for you, tribes.
A number of sayings of the Tsimshian present also good cases of
the use of metaphor. “A deer though toothless, may accomplish
something”; “he is just sleeping on a deerskin" (i. e. not expecting
approaching hardships); “it seems you think that Nass River is al-
ways calm" (i. e. that you will always be fortunate); "he is just
enjoying the water lilies for a short time” (as a bear feeding on
water lilies and about to be killed by the hunter who lies in ambush).
Examples of metaphor may be found here and there in songs
and speeches. The Osage sing:
Ho! Toward what shall they (the little ones) direct their footsteps, it has been said
in the house.
It is toward a little valley they shall direct their footsteps.
Verily, it is not a little valley that is spoken of,
It is toward the bend of a river they shall direct their footsteps.
Verily, it is not the bend of a river that is spoken of,
It is toward a little house that they shall direct their footsteps.
The valley and the bend of the river represent the path of life
which is pictured as crossing four valleys or as following the course
! Ibid. p. 129.
? Ibid. p. 197.
* Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 2 (1889), p. 285.
324 Literature, music, and dance
of the river having four bends.! This concept also finds expression
in the decorative art of the Indians of the Plains.?
Another metaphor is used in the following illustration:
Upon whom shall we slip off our moccasins? they said to one another, it has been
said in this house.
Toward the setting sun,
There is an adolescent youth,
Upon whom we shall always slip off our moccasins, they said to one another, it
has been said in this house.
Here the slipping off of moccasins means the crushing and killing of
the enemy, here personified in the adolescent youth.?
In the speech containing the migration legend of the Creek, the
head-chief Chekilli said: **The Cussetaws cannot yet leave their red
hearts, which are, however, white on one side and red on the
other ".*
James Mooney records the following formula for success in hunt-
ing, obtained from the Cherokee.?
Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Yul O Great Terrestrial
Hunter, I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let
your stomach cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it
cover itself at a single bend, and may you never be satisfied.
And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while
I sleep. Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my expressions be
propitious. Ha! Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie
down in various directions (P). Let the leaves be covered with the
clotted blood, and may it never cease to be so. You two shall bury
it in your stomachs. Yu.
! Francis La Flesche, The Osage Tribe, The Rite of Vigil, 39th Ann. Rep. Bur.
Amer. Ethnology, Washington 1925, p. 258.
2 A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin Am. Uns. Nat. Hist. Vol. 18, Plate 16,
p. 100; Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians, Ibid., p. 242, fig. 77.
? Francis La Flesche, Ibid. p. 84.
* Albert S. Gatschet, A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, Philadelphia, 1884;
D. 28].
5 James Mooney, The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, Seventh Annual Report
of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 369.
Literature, music, and dance 325
In this. formula the gods of the hunt, fire and water are called
upon. The Great Terrestrial Hunter is the river, its spittle the
foam; the blood-stained leaves on which the. game has been killed
are to cover the surface of the water. The hunter asks that all the
game may be assembled at one bend of the river which is supposed
to long for evermore. In the second part, the Ancient Red is the
fire. It hovers over the breast because the hunter rubs his chest
with ashes. The blood-stained leaves are thrown into the fire and into
the water which is expressed by having them buried in the stomach.
The contents of primitive narrative, poetry and song are as varied
as the cultural interests of the singers. It does not seem admissible
to measure their literary value by the standards of the emotions
that they release in us. We ought to inquire in how far they are
an adequate expression of the emotional life of the natives. To
primitive man, hunger is something entirely different from what it
is to us who ordinarily do not know what the pangs of hunger
mean, who do not realize all the implications of starvation. If a
people like the Bushmen or the Eskimo sing of their joy after a
successful hunt and after a hearty meal, if the Orang Semang of
the Malay Peninsula sing of the gathering of fruit and of the suc-
cessful hunt, the connotation of these songs is no different from that
of a harvest song. We are too easily mislead by the concreteness
of the picture and assume that the emotional connotation that we
require in poetry must be absent. Even among ourselves a graphic
passage in a lyric poem does not by any means always release a
definite, mental image but appeals rather through the feelings en-
gendered by the descriptive terms. For this reason we must
necessarily assume that the emotional setting of the picture is the
essential poetic element for the singer, not the objective terms that
alone appeal to us because we are not familiar with the emotions
of every day native life. We feel only the graphic value of the
words. The much-quoted Semang! song represents a good example:
1 Ww. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, Vol. 1
(1906), p. 627.
326 UC Literature, music, and dance
Our fruit grows plump at the end of the spray.
We climb along and cut it from the end of the spray.
Plump, too, is the bird (?) at the end of the spray.
And plump the young squirrel at the end of the Spray.
This song which deals with plants and animals serving as food,
should be compared with another one that is more readily appreciated
by us:
The stem bends as the leaves shoot up.
The leaf-stems sway to and fro.
To and fro thev sway in diverse ways.
.We rub them and they lose their stiffness.
On Mount Inas they are blown about.
On Mount Inas which is our home.
Blown about by the light breeze.
Blown about is the fog (?).
Blown about is the haze.
Blown about are the young shoots.
Blown about is the haze of the hills,
Blown about by the light breeze.
etc.
If we feel the latter as a more poetic type it is presumably only
because we cannot share the feelings aroused in the Orang Semang
by the reference to the efforts in gathering fruit and in hunting
animals. The effectiveness of poetry does not depend upon the
power of expressive description that releases clear mental images,
but upon the energy with which words arouse the emotions.
It is misleading to compare primitive poetry that has been recorded
by collectors with the literary poetry of our times. The coarse
sexual songs or drinking songs that do not form part of our polite
literature, are quite on a par with the songs that may be heard in
primitive society in the company of lusty young men or excited
young women and their prevalence in existing collections is, in all
probability, merely due to the inability of the collector to approach
the natives in moments of religious devotion, of tender love, or
poetic exaltation. In many cases it is quite obvious that some of
the songs collected were made to make fun of the collector. It is
Literature, music, and dance 327
not admissible to build on the meagre evidence that we possess, a
system of development of lyrics in which the coarse forms, the
exuberant spirits of every day life are mistaken for the expression
of the highest poetic achievement. In all those cases in which fuller
collections are available, as in America for instance from the Omaha,
Eskimo, Kwakiutl, and from some of the southwestern tribes, there
is ample evidence of poetic feeling that moves on higher planes.
Still, poetic susceptibility is not the same everywhere, neither in
form nor in intensity. The local culture determines what kind of
experiences have a poetic value and the intensity with which they
act. I select as an example the difference between the descriptive
style found in Polynesia and that of many Indian traditions. In the
Fornander collection of Hawaiian tales we read:. “They admired
the beauty of his appearance. His skin was like to a ripe banana.
His eyeballs were like the young buds of a banana. His body was
straight and without blemish and he was without an equal." In the
story of Laieikawai it is said: *I am not the mistress of this shore.
I come from inland, from the top of the mountain which is clothed
in a white garment." It would be a vain task to search for similar
passages in the literature of many Indian tribes. The American
Indians differ considerably among themselves in regard to this trait.
- Tsimshian tales are rich when compared to the barrenness of the
descriptive tales of the Plateau tribes.
Poetic descriptions appear more frequently in songs. However
even these are not found everywhere. The songs of the Indians
of the Southwest suggest that the phenomena of nature have impressed
the poet deeply, although it must be remembered that most of his
descriptive terms.are stereotyped ceremonial expressions.
As an example I give the following song of the Navaho:'
"On the trail marked with pollen may I walk,
With grasshoppers about my feet may I walk,
With dew about my feet may I walk,
1 Washington Matthews, Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs. University of Cali-
fornia Publications in Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 5, p. 48, lines 61—73.
328 Literature, music, and dance
With beauty may I walk,
With beauty before me, may I walk,
With beauty behind me, may I walk,
With beauty above me, may I walk,
With beauty under me, may I walk,
With beauty all around me, may I walk,
In old age wandering on a trail of beauty, lively, may I walk,
In old age wandering on a trail of beauty, living again, may I walk,
It is finished in beauty.
Of similar character is the following song of the Apache:!
“At the east where the black water lies, stands the large corn,
with staying roots, its large stalk, its red silk, its long
leaves, its tassel dark and spreading, on which there is the dew.
^ At the sunset where the yellow water lies, stands the large
pumpkin with its tendrils, its long stem, its wide leaves, its
yellow top on which there is pollen."
The following song of the Pima has also ceremonial significance :?
“Wind now commences to sing;
Wind now commences to sing;
Wind now commences to sing.
The land stretches before me,
Before me it stretches away.
Wind’s house now is thundering;
Wind's house now is thundering.
Came the myriad-legged wind.
The wind came running hither.
The Black Snake Wind came to me;
The Black Snake Wind came to me.
Came and wrapped itself about,
Came here running with its song.
' P. E. Goddard, Myths and Tales from the White Mountain Apache. Anthropo-
logical Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 24, 1910.
? Frank Russell, The Pima Indians, 26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Etim., p. 324.
Literature, music, and dance 329
The following Eskimo song which describes the beauty of nature
is well known: *
“The great Kunak mount yonder south, I do behold it;
The great Kunak mount yonder south, I regard it;
The shining brightness yonder south, I contemplate.
Outside of Kunak it is expanding,
The same that Kunak towards the seaside doth quite encompass.
Behold, how yonder south they shift and change.
Behold, how yonder south they tend to beautify each other,
While from the seaside it is enveloped in sheets still changing,
From the seaside enveloped to mutual embellishment.”
A song, provided it does not contain intelligible words, may be
of purely formal esthetic value, which depends upon its melodic and
rhythmic character. Even these forms may be attached to more or
less different groups of ideas of emotional value. On the other hand
the established significance of the song may vary materially when
different sets of words are used with it. We observe this in our
own culture, when diverse thoughts are expressed in the same
metre or when distinct poems are sung according to the same tune,
— as, for example, happened in the transfer of folksongs into
religious songs. I do not know in how far this may happen in
primitive poetry. Among the tribes that I know best there is a
decided tendency to associate a certain rhythm with a certain set
of songs. Thus the five part rhythm of the Northwest coast of
America seems to be closely connected with the religious winter
ceremonial; the mourning songs with slow regular beating.
The inherent relation between literary type and culture appears
also clearly in narrative.
The motives of action are determined by the mode of life and
the chief interests of the people, and the plots give us a picture of
these.
In many typical tales of the Chukchee of Siberia the subject of
the tale is the tyranny and overmastering arrogance of an athletic
! Henry Rink, Tales and Traditions of the Eskimos, London, 1875, p. 68.
330 : Literature, music, and dance
hunter or warrior and the attempts of the villagers to free them-
selves. Among the Eskimo a group of brothers often take the place
of the village bully. Among both groups of people who live in small
settlements, without any hard and fast political organization, the fear
of the strongest person plays an important role, no matter whether
his power is founded on bodily strength or on supposed supernatural
qualities. The story uses generally a weak, despised boy as savior
of the community. Although tales of overbearing chiefs do occur
among the Indians they are not by any means a predominant type.
The principal theme of the Indians of British Columbia, whose
thoughts are almost entirely taken up by the wish to obtain rank
and high position in the community, is the tale of a poor man who
attains high position, or of the struggles between two chiefs who try
to outdo each other in feats that will increase their social standing.
Among the Blackfeet the principal theme is the acquisition of cere-
monies, possession and practise of which is a most important element
in their life. -
All these differences are not entirely those of content but they
influence the form of the narrative, because the incidents are tied
together in different ways. The same motive recurs over and over
again in the tales of primitive people, so that a large mass of mate-
rial collected from the same tribe is liable to be very monotonous,
and after a certain point has been reached only new variants of old
themes are obtained.
However, much more fundamental are the differences which are
based on the general difference of cultural outlook. The same story
told by different tribes may bear an entirely different face. Not
only is the setting distinct, the motivation and the main points of
the tales are emphasized by different tribes in different ways and
take on a local coloring that can be understood only in relation to
the whole culture. An example selected from among the tales of
the North American Indians will illustrate this point. I chose the
story of the star husband, which is told on the prairies, in British
Columbia, and on the North Atlantic coast. The prairie tribes tell
Literature, music, and dance ; 331
that two maidens go out to dig roots and camp out. They see two
stars and wish to be married to them. The next morning they
find themselves in the sky married to the stars. They are forbidden
to dig certain large roots, but the young women disobey the orders
of their husbands and, through a hole in the ground they see the
earth below. By means of a rope they climb down. From here
on, the story takes distinctive forms in different geographical areas.
In one form the adventures of the women after their return are
described, in the other the feats of the child born by one of them.
The central view point of the same sfory as told by the Indians of
British Columbia is completely changed. The girls of a village
build a house in which they play and one day they talk about the
stars, how happy they must be because they are able to see the
whole world. The next morning they awake in the sky, in front
of the house of a great chief. The house is beautifully carved and
painted. Suddenly a number of men appear who pretend to embrace
the girls but kill them by sucking out their brains. Only the chief's
daughter and her younger sister are saved. The elder sister becomes
the wife of the chief of the stars. Finally the chief sends them
back with the promise to help them whenever they are in need.
They find the village deserted and the star chief sends down his
| house and the masks and whistles belonging to a ceremony which
| becomes the hereditary property of the woman's family. The tale
ends with the acquisition of the house and the ceremony, matters
that are the chief interest in the life of the Indians. In this way the
story becomes one of the long series of tales of similar import,
although the contents belong to an entirely distinct group.
As a second example I mention the story of Amor and Psyche
which has been cast into a new mould by the Pueblo Indians. Here
the antelope appears in the form of a maiden. She marries a youth
who is forbidden to see the girl. He transgresses this order and,
by the light of a candle, looks upon her while she is asleep. Immediate-
ly the girl and house disappear and the young man finds himself
in the wallow of an antelope.
332 Literature, music, and dance
Equally instructive are the transformations of biblical stories in
the mouths of the natives. Dr. Benedict and Dr. Parsons have
recorded a nativity story of the Zuni in which Jesus appears as a
girl, the daughter of the sun. After the child is born the domestic
animals lick it, only the mule refuses to do so and is punished
with sterility. . The whole story has been given a new aspect. It
is made to account for the fertility of animals, and tells how fertility
may be increased, a thought uppermost in the minds of the Pueblos.
European fairy tales differ in this respect from those of primi-
tive tribes, for in contents and form they embrace many survivals
of past times. It is quite evident that the modern European fairy
tale does not reflect the conditions of the State of our times, nor
the conditions of our daily life, but that they give us an imagina-
tive picture of rural life in semifeudal times, and that, owing to
the contradictions between modern intellectualism and the ancient
rural tradition, conflicts of viewpoints occur that may be interpreted as
survivals. In the tales of primitive people it is otherwise. A detailed
analysis of the traditional tales of a number of Indian tribes shows
complete agreement of the conditions of life with those that may
be abstracted from the tales. Beliefs and customs in life and in
tales are in full accord. This is true not only of old native ma-
terial but also of imported. stories that have been borrowed some
time ago. They are quickly adapted to the prevailing mode of
life. The analysis of tales from the Northwest coast and from the
Pueblos gives the same result. Only during the period of trans-
ition to new modes of life, such as are brought about by contact
with Europeans, contradictions. develop. Thus it happens that in
the tales of Laguna, one of the Pueblos of New Mexico, the visit-
or always enters through the roof of the house, although the
modern houses have doors. The headman of the ceremonial or-
ganization plays an important role in many tales, although the or-
ganization itself has largely disappeared. The tales of the Plains
Indians still tell of buffalo hunts although the game has disap-
peared and the people have become tillers of the soil and laborers.
Literature, music, and dance 333
It would be erroneous to assume that the absence of survivals of
an earlier time can be explained as due to the permanence of con-
ditions, to a lack of historical change. Primitive culture is a product
of historical development no less than modern civilization. Mode
of life, customs, and beliefs of primitive tribes are not stable; but
the rate of change, unless disturbances from the outside occur, is
slower than among ourselves. What is lacking is the pronounced
social stratification of our times that brings it about that the various
groups represent, as it were, different periods of development. So
far as my knowledge goes we find the cultural, formal background
of the art of narrative of primitive people almost entirely deter-
mined by its present cultural state. The only exceptions are found
in periods of an unusually rapid change or of disintegration. How-
ever, in this case also a readjustment occurs. Thus the stories of
the modern negroes of Angola reflect the mixed culture of the
west African coast. In the cultural background of the narrative,
survivals do not play an important role, at least not under normal
conditions. The plot may be old and taken from foreign sources,
but in its adoption it undergoes radical changes.
These remarks relating to literature do not mean, of course, that
in other aspects of life ancient customs and beliefs may not persist
over long periods.
We have spoken so far of the structure of the elements of prose
tales and songs. Important characteristics are found also in the
manner of their composition. In the narratives of some people the
episodes are anecdotically short; among others the wish for a more
complex structure is felt. Often this is accomplished by the meagre
device of concentrating all the anecdotes around one personage.
In many cases the craftiness, strength, voracity or amorousness
of the hero gives a more or less definite character to the whole
cycle. The Raven tale of Alaska consists entirely of unrelated
episodes. The only connecting element, besides the identity of the
hero, is the voracity of the Raven; but even this disappears in
many cases. Quite similar are the Coyote tales of the Plateaus,
334 Literature, music, and dance
the Spider tales of the Sioux, the Rabbit tales of the Algonquin, .
the Spider tales of the Guinea coast, the Rabbit and Turtle tales
“of South Africa, and the Fox tales of Europe. There is no inner
connection between the specific character of the hero and the con-
tents in the anecdote of the hoodwinked dancers (birds are induced
to dance with closed eyes so as to give the hero a chance to wring
their necks without being observed); in the tale of the eye juggler
(the hero who is induced to throw up his eyes which are then caught
in the branches of a tree so that he becomes blind); or in the in-
cident of the bungling host (the hero is invited to partake of magi-
cally obtained food and he reciprocates the invitation but is ignomi-
niously defeated in his attempt to repeat the magical procedure).
Sometimes the tales are strung on the slight thread of an Odyssey,
of a tale of adventure and travel. To this class belongs the Eskimo
tale of a hero who escaped a storm created by magic, and who
encountered dangers of the sea which are described in some detail.
He reaches a foreign coast and encounters cannibals and other dan-
gerous creatures. Finally he reaches home again. Another case of
this kind is a newly developed legend of the Tlingit of Alaska. In
the early days of Russian colonization of Alaska the Tlingit attacked
the fort at Sitka and the Russian governor, Baranoff, had to flee.
After a few years he returned to reestablish the fort. This interval
is filled by the Tlingit with a marvellous journey, telling how he
goes in search of his son. He encounters fabulous beings that are
known from other tales, visits the entrance to the lower world and
communicates with the ghosts who give him instructions. Among
the Pueblo Indians a large number of incidents are connected in a
‘tale of migration in which the whole tribe participates.
"In other cases there is an effort to establish an inner connection
between the single elements. Thus the disconnected Raven tale of
Alaska has been remodelled in southern British Columbia in such
a manner that some of the elements of the tale have been brought
into an inner connection: The thunderbird steals a woman. In
order to recover her the raven makes a whale of wood and kills
Literature, music, and dance 335
the gum because he needs it to caulk the whale. In another tale
the killing of the gum is the introduction to a visit to the sky.
The sons of the murdered gum ascend the sky to take revenge.
Other tales are so developed that they form a complex, novelistic
plot. The creation legends of the Polynesians are of this character.
Even among those tribes that enjoy the brief, etiological anecdote,
tales occur that contain the elements of an epic poem. The bare
outlines of a family story of the Kwakiutl may serve as an example:
The Thunderbird and his wife live in heaven, they descend to our
earth and become the ancestors of a family. The Transformer
meets them and in a series of contests the two prove to be of
equal power. Finally the transformer puts frogs into the stomach
of the Thunderbird-ancestor who takes them out again and deposits
them on a rock. The sons of one of his friends go and then the
frogs enter their stomachs, but they are cured by the Thunderbird-
ancestor. In return he receives a magic canoe. The tale goes.on
to relate the birth, magic growth, and exploits of his four children.
His wife is ravished by a spirit and gives birth to a boy who is
washed in the slime of a double-headed serpent. Thus his skin
becomes stone. The tale continues with a long series of warlike
exploits of this son. Finally he woes a princess for one of his
brothers. On a visit to her home the son of this princess is made
fun of by the children in the village of her father. This results in
a war in which the village of her father is destroyed. One of the
wives of her father escapes and gives birth to a boy. The second
wife of her father is enslaved by Stone-Body, the young man whose
skin had been transformed into stone. She gives birth to a boy
and by a ruse succeeds in making her escape with her son. The
two brothers grow up and, in a series of adventures and exploits,
both obtain supernatural power. They meet and travel towards the
village of their father, killing and transforming on the way danger-
ous monsters. Meanwhile Stone-Body has obtained a ceremonial
from a southern tribe and goes to Feather-Mountain in the north
to obtain bird’s down, needed for this dance. On his way back he
336 Literature, music, and dance
meets the ancestors of another tribe and they have a contest of
magical powers. In this he is overcome and killed with his whole
crew. In the main story this incident is omitted. He goes on and
the two brothers, the daughters of the escaped woman overturn his
canoe and kil him. On a visit to her father the woman married to
Stone-Body's brother sees the head of Stone-Body and her child
reports this after their return. Then her husband's people set out
to take revenge but all are killed by the two brothers, who give a
feasts in their house and maltreat their guests.
So far we have considered only the reflection of cultural life
in the form of the narrative. Its influence is also expressed in an-
other manner. When the narrative is thoroughly integrated in the
life of the people a process occurs quite similar to the one we ob-
served in decorative art. As a geometric form often receives a
secondary meaning that is read into it, so the narrative is given an
interpretative significance that is quite foreign to the original tale;
and as in decorative art the adventitious meaning varies in charac-
ter according to the culture of the people, thus the style of the in-
terpretation of a tale depends upon the cultural interests of the
people telling it and, accordingly, assumes distinctive forms We.
have found that art styles are apt to be disseminated over wide
areas while the explanatory meaning of art forms shows much
greater individuality. Precisely in the same manner, tales are apt
to travel over enormous areas but their significance changes accord-
ing to the various cultural interests of the tribes. As an example
I| refer to the story of the girl who married a dog, a tale widely
spread in North America. It is used to explain the origin of the
milky way (Alaska); the origin of the culture hero (British Columbia);
the origin of the tribal ancestor (Southern British Columbia); the origin
of a constellation (interior of British Columbia); the origin of a red
cliff (interior of Alaska); the origin of the Dog Society (Blackfoot);
and the reason why dogs are the friends of man (Arapaho). '
! Waterman, The Explanatory Element in the Folk-tales of the North American
Indians, Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 27 (1914), pp. 28 et seq.
Literature, music, and dance 337
The view of the historical development of explanatory tales here
expressed is analogous to that regarding the relation of symbolism
and design. The general type of interpretation of symbolism ex-
ists in the tribe and the tale is made to conform to it. In many
cases the symbolic or interpretative explanation is a foreign element
added on to the design or to the tale in agreement with a stylistic
pattern controlling the imagination of the people. This process may
lead indirectly also to a conformable stylistic development of other
representations, or to attempts to give explanations for the phenomena of
nature. Only on the basis of a pre-existing style which has its origin in non-
symbolic and non-interpretative sources can the resultant form develop.
It must not be assumed that the literary style of a people is uni-
form, on the contrary the forms are quite varied. I have pointed out
before that unity of style is not found in decorative art either, that many
cases may be adduced in which different styles are used in different
industries or among different groups of the population. Just so we
find in a tribe complex tales that have definite structural cohesion,
and brief anecdotes; some told with an evident enjoyment of diffuse
detail, others almost reduced to a formula. An example of this are
the long stories and the animal fables of the Eskimo. The former
treat of events happening in human society, of adventurous travel,
of encounters with monsters and supernatural beings, of deeds of
shamans. They are novelistic tales. On the other hand many of
the animal fables are mere formulas. Similar contrasts are found
in the tales and fables of the negroes.
The styles of songs vary also considerably according to the oc-
casion for which they are composed. Among the Kwakiutl we find
long songs in which the greatness of the ancestors is described in
the form of recitatives. In religious festivals songs are used of
rigid rhythmic structure, accompanying dances. In these the same
words or syllables are repeated over and over again, except that another
appellation for the supernatural being in whose honor they are sung is
introduced in each new stanza. Again of a different type are the
love songs which are not by any means rare.
22 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
338 Literature, music, and dance
It is striking that certain literary forms are found among all the
races of the old world while they are unknown in America. Here
belongs particularly the proverb. The important position held by the
proverb in the literature of Africa, Asia, and also of Europe until
quite recent times, is well known. In Africa particularly do we
find the proverb in constant use. It is even the basis of court de-
cisions. The importance of the proverb in Europe is illustrated by
the way in which Sancho Panza applies it. Equally rich is Asiatic
literature in proverbial sayings. On the contrary, hardly any pro-
verbial sayings are known from American Indians. I have referred
before to a few metaphorical sayings of the Tsimshian, the only
proverbial sayings known to me north of Mexico.'
The same conditions are found in regard to the riddle, one of the
favorite pass-times of the Old World, which is almost entirely absent
in America. Riddles are known from the Yukon River, a region
in which Asiatic influences may be discovered in several cultural
traits, and also in Labrador. In other parts of the continent careful
questioning has failed to reveal their occurrence. It is striking that
even in New Mexico and Arizona, where Indians and Spaniards
have been living side by side for several centuries and where In-
dian literature is full of Spanish elements, the riddle, nevertheless,
has not been adopted, although the Spaniards of this region are as
fond of riddles as those of other parts of the country. Sahagun,
however, records a number of riddles from Mexico. ?
As a third example I mention the peculiar development of the
animal tale. Common to mankind the world over is the animal
fable by means of which form and habits of animals, or the ex-
istence of natural phenomena are explained. The moralising fable,
on the other hand, belongs to the Old World.
The distribution of epic poetry is also wide, but nevertheless
1 | collected one saying among the Eskimo of Cumberland Sound: “If I should
go to get them 1 should be like one who goes to buy the backside of a salmon
(i. e. something without value).”
2 B. Sahagun (see note p. 132), Vol. 2, pp. 236, 237.
Literature, music, and dance 339
limited to a fairly definitely circumscribed area, namely Europe and
a considerable part of Central Asia. We have mentioned that in
America long, connected tribal traditions occur, but up to this time
no trace of a composition that might be called a romance or a true
epic poem has ever been discovered. Neither can the Polynesian
legends telling of the descent and deeds of their chiefs be designated
as epic poetry. The distribution of this form can be understood
only on the basis of the existence of ancient cultural relations. For
this reason Wundt's analysis of the origin of the epic poem does
not seem adequate. It has a meaning only in so far as the in-
clination existed to express in song tribal history and the deeds of
heroes, a pattern that developed locally, but that is not of universal
occurrence.
On the ground of the distribution of these types two conclusions
may be established: the one that these forms are not necessary
steps in the development of literary form, but that they occur only
under certain conditions; the other that the forms are not determined
by race, but depend upon historical happenings.
If at the time when Europeans first came to the New World the
literature of the Americans did not possess the three types of
literature which we mentioned, it does not follow that they would
have appeared at a later time. We have no reason whatever to
assume ‘that American literature was less developed than that ot
Africa. On the contrary, the art of narrative and poetry are highly
developed in many parts of America. We must rather assume that
the historical conditions have led to a form different from that of
the Old World. |
The wide distribution of most of these forms among Europeans,
Mongols, Malay, and Negro proves the independence of literary
development from racial descent. It shows that it is one of the
characteristics of the enormously extended cultural area, which
embraces almost the whole of the Old World, and which in other
features also appears in distinct contrast to the New World. I
mention here only the development of a formal judicial procedure,
340 : Literature, music, and dance
founded on the taking of evidence, the oath and the ordeal and the
absence of this complex in America; and the absence in America
of the belief in obsession and of the evil eye which are widely
known in the Old World. |
The characteristics of poetry lead us to a consideration of the
forms of music. The only kind of music that is of universal
occurrence is song; and the source of music must therefore be
sought here. Universally valid characteristics of song will also be
general principles of music. Two elements are common to all
song: rhythm and fixed intervals. We have shown before that
rhythm must not be conceived on the basis of our modern regular-
ity as a sequence of measures of equal duration and somewhat
free subdivision, but its form is much more general. Apparent ir-
regularity must not be misinterpreted as a lack of rhythm, for in
each repetition of a song the same order is preserved without
change. Precisely as the rhythmic order in primitive decorative
art is more complex than our own, so also is the rhythm of music
liable to be more complex. Regular measures do occur, but they
are not so rigidly confined to 2, 3 or 4 part time, as our own, but
5 and 7 part sequences frequently occur, in fact predominate in
some types of music: five part rhythms are common in northwestern
America, 7 part rhythms in southern Asia. Alterations of rhythms
that seem unfamiliar to us are found, as well as very complex
sequences that cannot be reduced to measures at all. We may best
describe the rhythm of many types of primitive music as consisting
of a regular sequence of musical phrases of irregular structure.
Sometimes the phrases expand into long rhythmic units without
recognisable subdivision.
A second and all-important element of all music is the use of
fixed intervals which may be transposed from one point of the tone
series to another and which are always recognized as equivalent.
In singing, these intervals are naturally inaccurate, for intonation is
uncertain and wavering and depends upon the intensity of emotional
excitement. Intervals are liable to increase, as the emotions of the
Literature, music, and dance 341
singers are raised to a higher pitch. It is, therefore, difficult if not
impossible to say what the singers intend to sing. The musical
interval may be compared with the melody of language. Most
languages do not use pitch in such a way that it is an important,
significant part of articulation. The use of pitch in language is
more widely distributed than is generally known. It is not by any
means the exclusive feature of Chinese, but it occurs in Africa as
well as in America, not to speak of its familiar use in the Scandi-
navian languages and in ancient Greek. Theoretically it is con-
ceivable that early human speech might have used fixed intervals
and musical phrasing of vowels and voiced consonants just as well
as different timber of vowels (that is our a, e, i, 0, i, and other
vowel values), to express different ideas, but it cannot be proved
that such was done. It is much more likely, according to available
linguistic evidence that musical tone in language is a secondary
development due to the disappearance of formative elements. We
must also consider that in languages with tone, glides are of great
importance and that these are not typical parts of the melodic
sequence, although they occur as endings of phrases. Furthermore
the intervals of speech are not fixed and vary considerably according
to the position of the word in the phrase. It does not seem likely,
therefore, that the melody can be derived directly from speech, as
Herbert Spencer tried to do. I rather adhere to the opinion of
Stumpf who demands a different origin for the fixed interval. The
sustained cry is much more likely to use fixed intervals and stable tones.
Whatever their origin may have been, we must recognize the
existence of fixed intervals and their transponability as the fundamental
requirements of all music. It is true that in some languages the value
of the fixed interval is keenly felt. This is demonstrated by the
so-called drum language of West Africa in which the speech melody
and rhythm is repeated on drums of definite tones and where these
tone sequences are understood.
Further investigation of primitive music requires a study of the
intervals themselves. Notwithstanding the great differences of
342
Literature, music, andidance
systems we find that all intervals may be interpreted as subdivisions
of the octave. To the untrained ear the octave appears very com-
~ monly as a single tone; in other words, no distinction is made
between a tone and its octave. To a lesser extent this is true of
the fifth and even of the fourth. The majority of intervals that
have been found must be considered as subdivisions of the octave.
However, the subdivision does not always proceed according to
harmonic principles as in our music, but by equidistant tones. The
development of harmony in modern music has had the effect that
we have lost all feeling for equidistance in a harmonic series and
that the recent music in which non-harmonic equidistant tones are
applied require a difficult break with the pattern of musical form to
which we are accustomed. After a long struggle, we have reached a
compromise between the two systems, the harmonic and the equi-
distant, by dividing the octave into twelve equal parts which give
a fairly close agreement to the natural harmonic intervals, although
the differences are audible to a trained ear. The Javanese divide
the octave into seven equidistant steps, the Siamese into five, sys-
tems that are in fundamental conflict with those of our music. In
short, a great variety of scales exist and serve as foundation for
the musical systems of different people. All seem to have in
common as foundation the octave.
I will not enter into this intricate subject any further, because a
safe method has not yet been found that would enable us to tell
definitely what people want to sing among whom there is no theory
of music, as it exists among ourselves or the civilized people of
Asia, and who have no exactly constructed instruments.
Among musical instruments one type is of universal distribution :
the percussion instruments, or perhaps better instruments for pro-
ducing noises that carry the rhythm of the song. In the simplest
cases these are sticks with which boards or other resounding objects
are struck. But besides these we find everywhere the use of some
kind of a drum: wooden, hollow boxes, hollow cylinders or hoops
covered with a drum head of skin. Rattles, and locally other
Literature, music, and dance 343
devices for producing noises occur. Not so general, for musical
purposes, is the use of wind instruments. Whistles used as calls
are perhaps universal, but the flute or pipe is not used everywhere
as a musical instrument. Still more restricted is the use of stringed
instruments. At the time of the discovery they were entirely un-
known in America. Among primitive tribes, including the whole of
America, song was accompanied only by rhythmic beating on instru-
ments of percussion. It is interesting to note that the beats did not
always coincide with the accent of the song, but had often an in-
dependent, though coordinated rhythm (see p. 315). Singing in several
parts is also unknown in primitive music. In Africa solo singing
and response of a chorus occurs, and a kind of polyphony due to
the overlapping of these. Sometimes true singing in parts has been
observed in Africa.
Music is always expressionistic and we are apt to associate with
a tune and rhythm a definite mood, but these associations vary
considerably with local styles. I have referred, in another place,
to the feelings associated among ourselves with the major and minor
keys. These are not by any means shared by people who have
grown up under the influence of another musical style. It is likely
that the symbolic meaning of music alone is vaguer than that of
song; but it is difficult to reach a definite decision in regard to
this question, for there is very little music without song or without
association with symbolic or representative actions. The condition
is perhaps comparable to that found in the symbolic significance of
graphic and plastic arts, the connotations of which are, as we have
seen, certain only when a definite relation between form and implied
content exist. It is intelligible that a type of tune that is always
applied in mourning ceremonies will produce the proper emotional
effect, while the same type of tune without such definite setting
might have quite a different effect.
The present state of our knowledge of primitive music does not
permit us to establish definite musical areas, but enough is known
to prove that as all other cultural features, we may recognize a
344 Literature, music, and dance
series of musical areas, each characterized by common fundamental
traits, The narrow compass of tunes of east Siberian songs, the
falling cadence with repetition of motives on a falling series of
fundamental tones among the Plains Indians, the antiphony of Negro
songs are examples of this kind. The varying systems of tonality,
the use of purely instrumental music, the kind of accompaniment
of song, are others. It seems quite certain that it will be possible
to determine large areas in which, by diffusion, similar types of
musical art have developed and in which, by subdivision, local
types may be segregated similar in character to those found in
decorative art. Even in the modern folk music of Europe a definite
character of the folkmusic of each nation may be recognized.
Borrowed melodies adapted to local forms illustrate this type of
individuality. As an example of such adaptation I give on the next
page a German song which has been adopted by the Mexicans. It
was probably carried there by the army of Maximilian.
On account of the interrelation between body movements and
articulations it seems likely that rhythmic body movements release
rhythmic articulations, that is song; and that in this sense, songs
that consist of meaningless syllables may have their origin in
movement. On the other hand the excitement engendered by song
leads to movements that are related to the rhythm of the song, so
that in this sense, a'dance is conditioned by the song. We mean
here by dance, the rhythmic movements of any part of the body,
swinging of the arms, movement of the trunk or head, or
movements of the legs and feet. The two forms of expression are
mutually determined.
We have to remember here the general remarks which we made
in the beginning in regard to all art. We saw that without a formal
element art does not exist. Technical work without fixed form does
not create artistic enjoyment. In the same way violent, expressive
movement born of the passion of the moment is not art. Art as
an expression of feeling requires form as much as art born of the
control of technical processes. If it were not selfevident we might
Literature, music, and dance 345
Denkst du da - ran, mein tapfrer La-gi - en - ka, dass ich der-einst in
Yo tro - ba-dor, yo po - bre sin for-tu.na, si te ad- mi-ro las
un-serm Va-ter-land, an eu-rer Spit-ze nahbei Du-bi - en-ka, viertausend
gra-ciasquetu tie-nes, yo no te veo masbe-llaque la luna, si te a-
gen sechzehn-tausend stand? Denkst du da-ran, wie ichvomFeind um -
do-ro me per-do - nas o-tra vez. Pro-scri-to yo, en ex - tran-je - ro
ge - ben, mit Mii-he nur die Frei-heit uns ge-wann? Ich den-ke
nohay pie-dad —__ — deuntris-te tro - ba-dor. —— Proscri- to
,
dran,ich dan-ke dirmein Le-ben; doch du, Sol-dat, Sol- dat denkst du da-ran.
yo enex-tranje - rosue-lo, no hay pie-dad deuntris - te tro-ba-dor.
346 Literature, music, and dance
have pointed out also that the passionate cry is neither poetry nor
music. It is, therefore, not appropriate to call dance all the violent
movements that. occur in the lives of primitive people. We must
reserve the term to movements of fixed form, although it may be
recognized that in the height of excitement dance may turn into a
formless tumult of motion, as music may change to formless cries
of wildest excitement.
We observe among all primitive tribes that emotions finding vent
in motor activities adopt a definite form. In this sense dance as
Its esthetic effect may be founded on the enjoyment of body movement,
often reinforced by that emotional excitement that is released by the
dance movement. The more formal the dance, the stronger will be
the purely esthetic enjoyment, as against the emotional element.
We are not well informed in regard to the local distribution of
dance types among primitive people but enough is known to allow
us to state that, as in decorative art and in music, areas of similar
dance forms occur. The joint dances of the Pueblo Indians in
which participate a large number of dancers dressed alike and in for-
mation, are quite foreign to the North Pacific coast where the single
dance prevails. In the formal woman's dance of the Northwest
Coast, the dancer stays in the same place with hands raised to the
height of the face, palms forward and trembling. The body move-
ments are carried on by gentle bending of the knees and slight
swaying of the body. The Koryak dancer who holds the drum,
moves in quite another way, swinging his body from the hips and
beating the drum (see fig. 73, p. 79). Joint dances of the two sexes
are rare and the dancers do not often so move that their bodies are
in intimate contact. We find more frequently either single dances or
a number of performers who repeat the same movements. The
effectiveness of the dance is increased by the order in which the
dancers stand and move.
Symbolic movements are perhaps even more frequent than purely
formal dance. They are used not only in accompanying song but
an art form may be purely formal, that is, devoid of symbolic meaning. -
Literature, music, and dance 347
also in oratory, and the muscular play accompanying lively conver-
sation of both the speaker and the hearer is a manifestation of the
relation between language and symbolic movements. These are also
standardized in each cultural area. The number of organically
determined gestures is very small. Most of them are culturally
patterned. Many are so automatic that they are called forth
immediately by the form of thought. In other cases the speaker
enhances the effect of his words by appropriate gestures and the
meaning of song is often brought out. more vividly by significant
movements. Thus the chorus of the Indians of the Pueblo of
Laguna sing:
*In the east rises the sun youth,
Here westward he moves with life and vegetation.
Carrying them in his basket while he is walking along.“
When this song is sung the singer faces westward and moves for-
. ward. The word * vegetation" is expressed by pushing the hands
alternately upward; *' basket " by describing a wide circle with both
hands and bringing them together in front of the body. The gesture
expresses the act of carrying in a basket. The word “walking“ is
indicated by stretching the hands out forward in front of the body
and waving them up and up. |
The Kwakiutl sing as follows:'
*I am going around the world eating everywhere with
Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World.
I went to the center of the world; Cannibal-at-the-
North-End-of-the-World is crying “food”.
The dancer accompanies this song which is sung by a chorus, with
movements. His arms tremble from right to left. To the words,
«| am going" the arms are stretched out to one side; “ All around
the world", they swing around in a round circle; “1,” the shoulders
are alternately brought forward and backward; “eating everywhere ",
1 F. Boas, Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians,
Annual Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p. 457.
348 Literature, music and, dance
the right hand stretches far out as though it was taking food, and
is then brought to the mouth, while the left describes a wide circle,
indicating everywhere"; ** Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World ",
both hands are bent inward and the finger tips moved toward the
mouth, meaning ''the eater"; “I went” is expressed as before;
“ Cannibal-at-North-End-of-the-World is crying ‘food’ for me^ the
sign of the cannibal spirit is made; then the arms are stretched far
backward, the palms turned downward, and the head is lowered,
this being the cannibal spirit's attitude when crying “food”. “ At
the center of the world", when these words are sung the dancer
is in front of the fire and looks up to the rear of the house in the
characteristic attitude of the cannibal, the rear of the house being
the center of the world. ;
The further development of movement accompanying the song
leads to true pantomimic and ultimately to dramatic performances.
CONCLUSION
NU have now completed our review of the forms of primitive
art and we shall try to sum up the results of our inquiry.
We have seen that art arises from two sources, from technical
pursuits and from the expression of emotions and thought, as soon
as these take fixed forms. The more energetic the control of form
over uncoordinated movement, the more esthetic the result. Artistic
enjoyment is, therefore, based essentially upon the reaction of our
minds to form. The same kind of enjoyment may be released by
impressions received from forms that are not the handiwork of man,
but they may not be considered as art, although the esthetic reaction
is not different from the one we receive from the contemplation or
the hearing of a work of art. When speaking of artistic production
they must be excluded. When considering only esthetic reactions
they must be included.
The esthetic effect of artistic work developing from the control
of technique alone is based on the joy engendered by the mastery
of technique and also by the pleasure produced by the perfection
of form. The enjoyment of form may have an elevating effect upon
the mind, but this is not its primary effect. Its source is in part
the pleasure of the virtuoso who overcomes technical difficulties that
baffle his cleverness. As long as no deeper meaning is felt in the
significance of form, its effect is for most individuals, pleasurable,
not elevating.
We have seen that in the various arts definite formal principles
manifest themselves, the origin of which we did not try to explain,
but which we accepted as present in the art of man the world over,
and which for this reason we considered as the most ancient, the
most fundamental characteristics of all art. In the graphic and
plastic arts these elements are symmetry, rhythm and emphasis of
form. We found symmetry to be very generally right and left and
350 Conclusion
suggested that this may be due to the symmetry of manual move-
ments as well as to the observation of right and left symmetry in
animals and in man. We also observed that rhythmic repetition
runs ordinarily in horizontal bands and pointed out the general
experience that natural objects of the same or similar kind are
arranged in horizontal strata, such as woods, mountains, and clouds;
“legs, body and limbs. Rhythmic form seems to be closely related
to technical processes, although other causes of rhythmic repetition
are revealed in poetry. The simplest technical processes produce
a simple repetition of the same motives, while with increasing virtu-
osity more complex orders become the rule. The more virtuosity
is developed, the more complex are the rhythms that are liable to
make their appearance. The ability of primitive artists to appreciate
rhythm seems to be much greater than our own.
The desire to emphasize form made itself felt in the application
of lines to the rim. We also observed the tendency of the rim
designs to become exuberant and to encroach upon the decorative
field. No less important is the tendency to attach ornament to
prominent places of the decorated object and to divide the decora-
tive field according to fixed principles.
While the features so far considered are common characteristics
of art the world over, they do not explain the style of separate
areas. We considered this problem in some detail in the field of
decorative art. Here our attention was first arrested by the fact
that purely formal art, or perhaps better, art that is apparently
purely formal, is given a meaning endowing it with an emotional
value that does not belong to the beauty of form alone. It is an
expressionistic element that is common to many forms of primitive
art. It is effective because in the mind of the tribes certain forms
are symbols of a limited range of ideas. The firmer the association
between a form and a definite idea, the more clearly stands out the
expressionistic character of the art. This is true in the graphic and
plastic arts as well as in music. In the former a geometrical form,
in the latter a sound cluster, a particular type of musical phrasing,
Conclusion 351
if associated with a definite meaning, evokes definite emotions or even
concepts. A study of these conditions shows also that a uniform
reaction to form is indispensable for the effectiveness of an expres-
sionistic art, a condition which is not fulfilled in our own modern
society, so that an expressionistic art can appeal only to a circle of
adepts who follow the lines of thought and feeling developed by a
master. Symbolic art can still be applied successfully in the case
of a few symbols that have fixed associations which are valid for
all of us. |
The wide distribution of symbolic forms and the remoteness of
their resemblance to the objects they symbolize led us to a considera-
tion of the question of their history. We examined particularly the
theory that all artistic reproduction is by origin naturalistic and that
geometrization grows up only when the artist tries to introduce
ideas that are not inherent in the object itself. We saw that this
theory cannot be maintained, because realistic representation and
geometrization spring from distinctive sources. In plastic art the
contrast between the two tendencies does not appear as clearly as
in graphic art. In the former it is found more in surface treatment
than in general outline. In graphic art the matter is complicated
by the difficulties involved in representing a three-dimensional object
on a two-dimensional surface, a problem which the artist has to solve.
This may be done in one of two ways. Either a perspective re-
presentation of the object as it appears at a given moment may be
attempted, or the artist may decide that the essential point is to
show all its characteristic parts, no matter whether they are visible
in a single view or not. The former method lays stress upon the
accidental features, it is impressionistic; the latter stresses those
elements that are felt to constitute the fundamental qualities of the
object, it is expressionistic. The two methods which we called the
symbolic and the perspective are absolutely distinct and the one
cannot be developed from the other. We have also seen that the
consistent application of the perspective method is reached only
when we introduce also the principle of indistinctness of those points
352 Conclusion
that are removed from the center of the field of vision and that of
dependence of color upon environment. Both of these have been tried
in our day, without having found general acceptance. The symbolic
method is always more or less wavering in the application of its
principle. Sometimes perspective correctness of outline is attempted
with a considerable degree of freedom in regard to the detailed treat-
ment of those symbols that are considered important. Of this cha-
racter are the Egyptian paintings with their vacillation between front
and side views. In other cases the realism of outline is entirely
sacrificed and the form may be reduced to a mere assembly of
symbols. |
The theory has been advanced that geometric ornament developed
through the degeneration of perspective designs; in part perhaps
also through that of symbolic designs. It is assumed that the sym-
bol, or the object represented was misunderstood and that in course
of time through a process of slurring, by careless and inaccurate
representation the forms became fragmentary and finally lost all
semblance to the original. It is not possible to accept this theory,
because the conditions under which the supposed slurring occurs
are seldom realized. Slovenly work does not occur in an untouched
primitive culture. Misunderstandings may happen in cases of borrow-
ing of designs or in that of a gradual transformation of those con-
cepts that find expression in decorative art. Actual slurring is found
in factory production. By an examination of a few cases of this
kind we were able to show that it does not lead to geometrization,
but to the growth of an individualism akin to that of our handwrit-
ing. It cannot be denied that in such cases occasion for re-inter-
pretation with consequent changes of form occur, but these are not
frequent. On the other hand we were able to show that reading-in
of realistic meanings into geometric forms is quite common. We
proved this by means of a detailed comparison of the style of
painting and embroidery of the North American Plains Indians
which we found to be practically identical everywhere, while the
interpretations varied from tribe to tribe. This phenomenon agrees
Conclusion 353
with the general tendency to keep intact the form, but to endow it
with new meaning according to the chief cultural interests of the
people. We pointed out the prevalence of the same tendency in
folktales and ritual. As a general explanation the geometrization of
realistic patterns is, therefore, unacceptable. In the majority of cases
it seems to be rather due to the inclination of man to give a
meaning to geometric form, as we enjoy reading meanings into the
forms of clouds and mountains. We were also able to describe
a few cases in which the process of reading-in has actually been
observed.
Another fact prevents us from considering geometrization as a
general historical process. It is very seldom only that the steps
are found so distributed that they can be proved to follow one an-
other in time. Much oftener all are found at the same time among
the same people.
Considering all these points we reached the conclusion that the
stylistic form which contains to a greater or lesser extent constant
geometrical elements, is decisive in determining the manner in which
representations are rendered. We were thus led to the attempt to
find the principles underlying art styles.
We approached this subject by the study of a few art forms.
We compared a number of art styles that make use of the spiral
and found in each characteristic traits, as well regarding the form of
the spiral as in the handling of the decorative field. In the same
way we observed that in the art of the North American Indians
the same kind of triangles and rectangles are used by all the tribes,
but that there exist typical differences in the treatment of the
decorative field. The problem was carried through in some detail
by means of a study of the decorative art of the North Pacific coast
which is highly symbolic in character. This example taught us an
additional point, namely that in symbolic art the selection of symbols
is of decisive importance in defining the style and that the arrange-
ment of the symbols is subject to the same formal treatment of the
decorative field which control the arrangement of geometrical motives.
23 — Kulturforskning. B. VIII.
354 Conclusion
On the basis of this study we conclude that the particular types
of geometrical motives that enter into the representative form, as
well as the treatment of the decorative field determine the character
of the design and that the degree of realism depends upon the
relative importance of the geometric and representative elements.
When the purely decorative tendency prevails we have essentially
geometrical, highly conventionalized forms, when the idea of repre-
sentation prevails, we have, on the contrary, more realistic forms.
In every case, however, the formal element that characterizes the
style, is older than the particular type of representation. This does
not signify that early representations do not occur, it means that
the method of representation was always controlled by formal elem-
ents of distinctive origin.
The pattern of artistic expression that emerges from a long,
cumulative .process determined by a multiplicity of causes fashions
the form of the art work. We recognize the permanence of pattern
in those cases in which a useful form that has lost its function
persists as a decorative element; in the imitation in new materials
of natural forms used at one time as utensils, and in the transfer
of forms from one technique to another. The fixity of the pattern
does not permit the artist to apply natural forms unmodified to
decorative purposes. His imagination is limited by the pattern. In
cases of greater freedom the representative value may not be
seriously encroached upon. Such is the case for instance, with
the oriental palmetto and the ear ornaments of the Marquesas Is-
lands, on which in olden times two deities were represented, back
to back, while nowadays two girls in a swing are carved, in exactly
the same spacial arrangement. When the pattern is highly formal
and not adapted to representation, an apparent geometrization may
be the result. The distinction between these two aspects appears
clearly in those cases in which pictography and symbolic geometric
art appear side by side.
The art of the North Pacific coast proved also that we must not
assume that the style of a tribe must always be uniform, but that
Conclusion 355
it is quite possible that in different industries, particularly when
carried along by different parts of the population, quite distinctive
styles may prevail. The excellence and consistency of a style as
well as the multiplicity of forms depend upon the perfection of
technique. We found, therefore, that in those cases in which
technical work is done by the men alone, they are the creative
artists, that when the women do a great deal of technical work they
are no less productive, and that when the two sexes carry on
different industries they may develop distinctive styles. It is, how-
ever, more frequent that the style of a dominant industry may be
imposed upon work made by other processes. Weaving in coarse
material seemed to be a most fertile source of patterns that are
imitated in paintings, carvings, and pottery.
A comparison of the fundamental elements that are found in the
graphic and plastic arts,— in the arts of space,— as contrasted
with those of poetry, music, and dance,— the arts of time,— brings
out certain differences and similarities. Common to both are rhythm,
and it seems likely that the rhythm of technique is merely a spacial
expression of the rhythm of time, in so far as the rhythmic move-
ments result in rhythmic forms when applied to technical pursuits.
We may perhaps also speak in both types of art of attempts to
emphasize closed forms, for often we find musical phrases, and
single ideas in poetry closed by what might be called a decorative
end, consisting of burdens or of codas. Similar elements may also
appear as introductions in the beginning. Completely lacking in the
pure arts of time is symmetry, because an inverted time order does
not convey the impression of symmetry, as is the case in the arts
of space. It occurs only in a symmetrical arrangement of phrases.
Dance contains elements of both the spacial and time arts. Therefore,
the principles of the former may be clearly observed in dance forms.
Rhythmic movements and rhythmic spacial order, symmetry of posi-
tion and of movement, and emphasis and balance of form are essential
in esthetic dance forms.
The graphic and plastic arts owe much of their emotional value
356 Conclusion
to the representative and symbolic values of form. This is no less
true in literature, music and dance. Narrative and poetry so far
as they contain intelligible words, always have a meaning which may
have a deep significance because they touch upon those aspects of
life that stir the emotions. Frequently there is an added mean-
ing, when the words have a symbolic, ulterior significance related
to religious beliefs or philosophical ideas. In music and dance also
symbolic significance is often attached to form.
We are at the end of our considerations, but one question re-
mains to be answered. We have seen that the desire for artistic
expression is universal. We may even say that the mass of the
population in primitive society feels the need of beautifying their
lives more keenly than civilized man, at least more than those
whose lives are spent under the urgent necessity of acquiring the
meagre means of sustenance. But among others also the desire for
comfort has often superseded the desire for beauty. Among primi-
tive people the xaAóv x'ava9óv coincide. Goodness and beauty are
the same. Do they then possess the same keenness of esthetic
appreciation that is found at least in part of our population? I
believe we may safely say that in the narrow field of art that is
characteristic of each people the enjoyment of beauty is quite the
same as among ourselves: intense among a few, slight among the
mass. The readiness to abandon one’s self to the exaltation induced
by art, is probably greater, because the conventional restraint of
our times does not exist in the same forms in their lives. What
distinguishes modern esthetic feeling from that of primitive people
is the manifold character of its manifestations. We are not so much
bound by a fixed style. The complexity of our social structure and
our more - varied interests allow us to see beauties that are closed
to the senses of people living in a narrower culture. It is the
quality of their experience, not a difference in mental make-up that
determines the difference between modern and primitive art production
and art appreciation.
wn
>
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
=
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
TEXT FIGURES
Front of painted box, Tlingit, Alaska (A. M. N.H. 19/1074)...
Jar from Zuni (A. M. N.H. 50.1/8833). .... cen
Coiled basketry. «4. cseeo uuu e uus un et rau hr aine
Twined basketry (From G. T. Emmons, Basketry of the Tlingit, Memoirs
A. M. N.H,, Vol. 3, fig. 204, p. 240....... ne MM
Chipped flint implements; a, American Indian, A.M. N.H. T 18542;
b, Egypt, A-M.N:H. 75.0/820,. 0.004000 Viele en nen ann nen
Part of surface of wooden sail, Kwakiutl Indians, Vancouver Island
(A. M. N.H« 461/1744)... erred heh nnne nes
Painted board, Tierra del Fuego (After Wilhelm Koppers, Unter Feuer-
land-Indianern, fig. O, p. 48. .....-.. eere uere inh retro
Bushman designs; to the left, designs from ostrich eggs (After Felix
von Luschan, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Vol. 55, pp. 32, 33, 87); to
the right above (From Leonhard Schultze, Aus Namaland und Kala-
hari, p. 072); to the right below, bracelet made of horn (After E. von
Sydow, Die Kunst der Naturvôlker und der Vorzeit, p. 1858). .......
Kaffer headrests (After Henrik P. M. Muller and John F. Snelleman,
L’Industrie des Caffres, Pl. XIV, figs. 4 and 5). .......0.000000000 00
Paddle and shield, New Ireland (A. M. N. H. S 2266, S 1403) dec ws
Plan of rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians. .......... n
Rawhide box, Sauk and Fox Indians. ........ cc cov n 8686
Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians (A. M. N. H. 50/3594).
Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians (A.M. N. H. 50/3596).
a, Design on rawhide for a box, Sauk and Fox Indians, Public Museum
of the City of Milwaukee, 30740; b, Design on rawhide for a box,
Sauk and Fox Indians (A. M. N. H. 50/2284). ...4 00.0.4000 4
Fringe from legging, Thompson Indians (From James Teit, The Thomp-
son Indians, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I,
fis 3419, p.384)... eee See SE US ane
Twilled weaving showing alternation of patterns (A. M. N. H. 16/8191).
Carving on bow of Bella Bella canoe, British Columbia (A. M. N. H.))
Rattle used in twin ceremonial. Kwakiutl Indians, Briiish Columbia
(A. M. N.H... 16/8282)... eer Va an er rene FO
Base of flint knife, Scandinavia (After Sophus Müller, Nordische Alter-
tumskunde. fie. 97, p. 190)......... 44V. oo e rer rrr
Face painting, Tierra del Fuego (After Wilhelm Koppers, Unter
Peucrland-Indianern; Pj. Vk Loi. in Ld ani sant sail :
mom » m
Page
18
19
20
20
21
23
23
23
23
25
26
26
27
27
28
20
30
30
31
31
32
Text figures
358
Fig. 22.
» 23
5 124.
28.
s 26.
p.727.
s 25
» 20
24
s. 31.
s. 32.
2/538.
i. 24.
5 88.
230.
5. 37.
». 38.
2:89.
» 40.
cw
Page
Australian shields. (A. M. N. H. S. 3987, S 42 a 33
Paleolithic paintings (After Hugo Obermaier, Fossil Man in Spain, fig.
104, p.234. N NS mda a 33
Patterns from bamboo combs (After Vaughn Stevens, Zeitschrift für
Ethnologie, Vol; XXV, Pl. D... MATE 35
Designs from bamboo spear, New Guinea (Museum für Vólkerkunde,
Hamburg. After Ernst Fuhrmann, Neu Guinea, p. 114). .......... 35
Etruscan vase (After M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol.
Ii. PL XXVIII o,'p./440y eus A Ge A il oo 35
Peruvian designs (After Inca, Vol. I, fig. 32, p. 230)............... 35
Painted rawhide bags, Shuswap, British Columbia (From James Teit,
The Shuswap, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition,
Nol-dI fie.:220: p.498). LLL ou adiu a eee aae e 36
Designs of the Dayak (After Alois Raimund Hein, Die bildenden
Künste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo, Pl. IV, fig. 6; PI. V, fie. 1)... 37
Carved board, Kaiserin Augusta Fluss, New Guinea (Museum für
Völkerkunde, Hamburg. After E. Fuhrmann, Neu Guinea, p. 112).
The two reversed spiral elements are indicated by dark and light shading. 36
a, Designs from pottery of ancient Pueblos (After J. Walter Fewkes,
An Archaeological Collection from Youngs Canyon near Flagstaff, Ari-
zona, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collection, Vol, 77, No. 10, PI. 4e).
b, Designs from pottery of ancient Pueblos (After J. Walter Fewkes,
Designs on Prehistoric Pottery from Mimbres Valley, New Mexico,
Ibid. Vol. 14, N0.6, fig. 36,p. 33); 11 TE 37
Bronze ornament, Sweden, 7th Century A. D. (After E. von Sydow,
Die Kunst der Naturvólker und der Vorzeit, p. 480). .............. 38
Design from Peruvian textile (After Walter Lehmann, Kunstge-
schichte des alten. Peru, Pl. 4p. 20). nb in in es 38
Designs from Peruvian textile (Ibid. PL 3,p. 16)... i hive. bs 39
Pot of coiled pottery, prehistoric Pueblo Indians (A. M. N. H.). ..... 40
Necklace of Thompson Indians (After Gladys A. Reichard, American
Anthropologist, Vol. XXIV, 1922, 0. 188). enn sh iris ca 41
a, Koryak embroidery (From W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Jesup North
Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI, fig. 206, p. 690). b, Koryak embroidery
bid. fia. 210. p.08) N m 43
a, b, ¢, d, Koryak embroideries (/bid. figs. 211—215, P 693—690)... 45
Peruvian embroidery from Ica. (A.-M.-N. HJ... e eere 47
Peruvian fabric (The Necropolis of Ancon, W. Reiss and A. Stübel,
Vol i PL 675 fig. 9... .. LL due. d. 49
Peruvian fabric bid. Pl. 67, fig. Ob e ul 49
”
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
Bl.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
ST.
58.
59.
Peruvian fabric (Ibid. Pl. 48, fig. 2 ...... nn n t G8
Peruvian: fabric (Ibid. PL61). 5... eere nnn
Peruvian fabric (Ibid. Pl. 66a, fig. 1)... Le nias ehe rr
Peruvian fabric (Ibid. Pl. 68a, Bg. 3)... ÜÓÓMÁ&ó&ÁÀtáÁ&7
Peruvian fabric (/bid. Pl. 66, fig 3)... MM n8éón
Patterns from Mexican Codex (Codex Nuttall......... nnn n
a, Pottery vessel from Finland (After M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorge-
schichte, Vol. III, Pl. 125 X). b, Pottery vessel, Ica, Peru, A. M. N. H.
a, b, Birchbark vessels from the Amur River (From Berthold Laufer,
The Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North Pacific Expe-
dition, Vol. IV, Pl. 20). c, Birchbark basket, Shuswap, British Columbia.
d, e, Bark buckets, Alaska (c, d, e, from James Teit, The Shuswap,
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. II, figs. 205, 207). ....
a, b, Pottery vessels, Chiriqui, Costa Rica (After G. G. Mc Curdy,
A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy
of Arts and Sciences, Vol. III [1911], figs. 92, 85). c, Fort Colburne,
Ontario (After 31st. Ann. Archaeological Report, Ontario, 1919, p. 83).
a, Part of soapstone kettle; b, c, d, Ivory combs, Eskimo (From F.
Boas, The Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bull. A. M. N. H.
Vol. .XV,-1907, figs. 215, 254) ++ ere nane nrrrhmrte rte
Wood carving, Bambala, Congo (After Torday and Joyce, Notes ethno-
graphiques sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba, etc. Les
Bushongo, Documents ethnographiques concernant les populations du
Congo Belge, Vol. II, Pl. 25, fig. 7). ...... A Ree
Pottery vessel, Molkenberg type, Megalithic period (After. M. Ebert,
Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. III, Pl. 11, p. 89.......
Pouch, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. À. M.
NH. Vol XVHI fe. 230, p 89). 000000100000 nh nnn
Embroidered Moccasin, Apache, A. M. N. H. 50/8622 b............
a, b, c, Birchbark vessels, eastern Indians (From James Teit, The Shus-
wap, Vol. II, fig. 214). d, Birchbark vessels, Koryak (From W. Jochelson,
The Koryak, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VL fig. 192 c, p. 675).
Pottery vessel, Arkansas (After W. H. Holmes, Aboriginal Pottery of
the eastern United States, 20th Annual Report Bureau of American
Ethnology, Pl. XXV)... LIEN Te. ru i dee
Imbricated basket, Chilcotin, British Columbia (After James Teit,
The. Shuswap, Vol. Il, fig; 268, p. 772........- ertt RH
a, Embroidery, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Carl Lumholtz, Decorative
ArtoftheHuichol Indians, Memoirs A.M.N.H., Vol, III, Part 3, fig. 430, p. 303
b, Symbolism of the Huichol Indian, Ibid. Part. 1, fig. 92, p 92...
Text figures 359
Page
50
50
51
51
51
53
55
57
58
59
60
60
60
61
61
62
; 65
66
360 Text figures
Page
Fig. 60. Decorated fisbskin garment, Amur River (After Berthold Laufer, The
Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol.
IV PL SO euer eae | e roue s a rp BUM eR en 66
» 61. Upper row, pictographs of Ojibwa Indians; lower row, pictographs
of Dakota Indians (From Garrick Mallery, Picture Writing of American
Indians, 10th Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, figs.
168.and 194. et.seqdu4 Ud esae qe i ain ie Fa ea En TA» A 67
» 62. Mexican painting from Codex Borbonicus (After Eduard Seler, Gesam-
melte Abhandlungen, .Vol. AV, ip. 180) vu iwi srsdasinios ntn hr 68
» 63. a, Carved figure, Philippine Islands (After E. von Sydow, Die Kunst
der Naturvólker und der Vorzeit, p. 273). b, Marble figure repre-
senting harpist (After Helmuth Th. Bossert, Altkreta, fig. 17 5.)...... 69
» 64. Wooden mask, Urua, Congo (After Herbert Kiihn, Die Kunst der
PME, Pua XIX Tal thant care a aa teen ae os dis Ee 70
» 65. Carved board, Papua Gulf, New Guinea (After Herbert Kühn, Die
Kunst der Primitiven, Ph LIV). aoo eed deus wits mur rr 70
„ 66. Egyptian painting (After Heinrich Schäfer, Von Ägyptischer Kunst)
fig. 200, p4i25 T. uices eerie kan epe nre o un 71
» 67. Haida drawing representing eagle carrying away a woman; original
by. Charles Edensdw. «o de viii tio site Shiai sen viv ri es 71
» 08. Egyptian drawings, a, Bowl and pitcher; b, Sleeping person covered -
by blanket (After Heinrich Schäfer, Von Agyptischer Kunst, p. 111). 75
» 609. Eskimo etching on walrus tusk, Alaska (A. M. N. H. 60/239). ....... 76
» 10. Bushman rock paintings (After Moszeik, Die Malereien der Busch-
minner in Südafrika, Pl.lL, fie. 2360)... eter eR eC 76
» 4l. Paleolithic painting representing bison (After Hugo Obermaier, Fossil
Man in Spain, PL D: courir si rt re ta en oni iu ien ai Ti
» 42. Hat of the Nootka Indians (After Handbook of the Ethnographic
collections, British Museum, fig. 235, p. 286). ..... ce 240 78
» 43. Koryak carvings (From W. Jochelson, The Koryak, Jesup North
Pacific: Expedition, Vol.- 6, Hgs.. 170, 172, 175075 564 2% san va eminin nis 79
» 44. Bronze casting, Benin (After Felix von Luschan, Alterthümer von Benin,
PLaL epiess ess beebtetredicastid hant s dams DEI Mes eie 81
» T5. Headmask, Cross River, Cameroon (After Ernst Vatter, Religiöse
Plastik der. Naturvolker, 19260, fie. BT). coms iin orent rne 82
» 16. Terra cotta head from Ife, Yoruba country (After Herbert Kühn, Die
Kunst der Primitiven, p. 02)... uus eee opinion ahh RR e n 82
» 41. Pottery head from Arkansas (After W. H. Holmes, Aboriginal Pottery
of the eastern United States, 20th Annual Report Bureau of American
Ethnology, Pl. XXNY aucun at are u tt cpm o RE RM asim 2's + 85
Text figures 361
Page
Fig. 78. Ivory and bone carvings, and tattooing of eastern Eskimo (From F.
Boas, Eskimo of Baffinland and Hudson Bay, Bulletin A. M. N. H.
Vol, XV. figs. 257, 258, 268... nn nn 86
, 379. Ornaments of the Auetó, Brazil (After Karl von den Steinen, Unter
den Naturvólkern Zentral Brasiliens, Pl. XXII). ........ uices. du 89
80. Ornaments of the Karayá (After Paul Ehrenreich, Die Karayástámme
am Rio Araguaya (Goyaz); Veróffentlichungen aus dem Museum für
Völkerkunde, Berlin. Vol. Il, fig. 11, p. 25. ............ eee 89
, 81. Basketry patterns from British Guyana, a, snake pursuing frog; b,
man; c. dog; d—f, wild nutmeg (From Walter Edmond Roth, An Intro-
ductory Study of the arts, crafts, and customs of the Guyana Indians,
38th Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, figs. 168, 178). 90
82. Basketry patterns from British Guyana; a, centiped; b, savannah
grass; c—f, periwinkles; g, butterflies; h—j, snakes, Ibid. fig. 169. 91
83. Designs of the Cheyenne Indians (After Paul Ehrenreich, Ethnolo-
gisches Notizblatt, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 27—29, 1899). ............. 92
, 84. Moccasin, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin À. M.
N.H. Vol. XVIII, fig. 85, D. 39). = + + 00081 ra and etre inu 94
, 85. Knife case, Arapaho (Ibid. fig. 22, p. SS Vo LLLA. quur ruis oa 94
, 86. Legging, Sioux Indians (After Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the
Sioux Indians, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, PI. LI, fig. 5). ..... 95
, 87. Drum of the Assiniboine (From Robert H. Lowie, The Assiniboine,
Vol. 1V, Anthropological Papers A. M. N. H. fig. 11, p. 27)......... 96
| , 88. Rawhide bag, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin
A. M.-N.H. Vol. XVII, 62.33, pp HS ects retenue ee 97
, 89. Design from parfleche, Shoshone (A. M. N. H. 50/2299) ........... 97
, 90. Bamboo case from Friedrich-Wilhelm Hafen, New Guinea, (After
Emil Stephan, Südseekunst, p. 101)... n 98
, 91. Zuni bowl, broken and edges ground down, (private property)... ... 98
92. Ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Karl Lumholtz,
Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A.M. N. H. Vol III,
fia. 133, p.125. creen urit rane End ont tu sas 99
93. Woven ceremonial object, Huichol Indians, Mexico (From Karl Lum-
holtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Ibid. fig. 173, p. 146). ... 101
94. Design from a pouch, Huichol Indians (From Karl Lumholtz,
Decorative art of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs A. M. N. H. Vol. III,
Pt. 8, fig. 527, p.328)... oe oe eq eda ue eati et eE 101
O5. Tattooed designs, Marquesas (After Karl von den Steinen, Die
Marquesaner und ihre Kunst, a, fig. 103, p. 155; b, fig. 101, p. 154;
c, fig. 99, p. 152; d, fig. 100, p. 153; e, fig. 112, p. 163........... 101
EE
\
*
n
362
Text figures
Fig. 96.
» 97
» 0%
21:00,
2 100.
= 101
> 108
2-108
2 304
LZ 405.
, 106.
» 107.
S2 108.
s^ 109.
2; 310.
» 1
2 412.
55:13.
» 114
2. 118.
Patterns representing the star, Arapaho (After A. L. Kroeber, Decor-
ative art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII). .......
. Patterns representing persons (Ibid) ..... uA UR Ils
Patterns Tepresenting butterly (75d)... ...7. Eee...
Designs from Neu-Mecklenburg, a, Carved bamboo; b, embroidered
mat (After Emil Stephan and Fritz Gräbner, Neu-Mecklenburg,
a, fie. 120, p.114; h PL I, fig 3... ae
Embroidered knife sheath, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber, Decorative
art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XVIII, PI. 13, fig. 5).
Painted board, Neu-Mecklenburg (After Emil Stephan and Fritz
Gribner, Neu-Mecklenburg, ‘PL IX, fig; S... re os
Decorated paddle, Neu-Mecklenburg (Ibid. Pl. VI, fig. 3b). .......
Blanket of mountain goat wool, Tlingit, Alaska (From G. T Emmons,
The Chilkat Blanket, Memoirs A. M. N. H. Vol. III, fig. 567, p. 377).
Basketry patterns of the Pomo Indians, California (After S. A. Barrett,
Pomo Indian Basketry, Univ. California Publications, Vol. 7, No.
3, pp. 180, 182, 187; 190, 204, 232... eL VA ee 1
Drawn work, Mexico (From Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 33,
1020,- p. Z3)... uei cures vendo ne oor v die ia Ru TR
Designs of the Ruanda (After Jan Czekanowski, Wissenschaftliche
Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika Expedition, 1907— 1908,
Vol VT, Part 1; p.380... i i ai a Ee a a aH nag
Designs of the Pangwe (After Günther Tessmann, Die Pangwe,
Berlin 1913, Vot L, fig. 211, p. 254). NE
Designs ofthe Bushongo (After E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Les Bushongo,
Documents ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo
Belge, figs. 322,:323, 219, 330). ..... LEES LR V TYPE
Feet of flat pottery dishes, Chiriqui, Costa Rica (After G. G. Mc
Curdy, À Study of Chiriquian Antiquities, Mem. Connecticut Acad-
emy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. III [1911], figs. 140, 141, 139, 135).
Polynesian ornaments (After Charles H. Read, Journal of the Anthropol-
ogical Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 21 [1892] PI. 12).
. Crocodile arrows, New Guinea (After A. C. Haddon, The Decorative
Art of British New Guinea, Cunningham Memoir, Royal Irish
Academy, X 11894] fig 19} 1 A
Designs representing frigate bird and crocodile (Ibid. Pl. XII)......
Facial urns (After M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. IV,
PLA IBY is a eR n Heu ee d ea D fn cire
Armadillo designs, Chiriqui (After G. G. Mc Curdy, L. c. figs. 77, 78).
Designs of the Bushongo representing the head of the antelope
Page
104
104
104
107
107
107
108
109
110
11
112
113
114
115
115
116
117
MT
Fig.
»
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
Text figures
and the beetle (From E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, Notes ethnographiques
sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba etc. Les Bushongo,
Documents ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo
Belge, DZ A TNT UE dud. SRM in ratae
Design representing the buffalo, Arapaho (From A. L. Kroeber, Decor-
ative Art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H. Vol. XIII, p. 85).
Designs of North American Indians; the first nine, Arapaho (After
A. L. Kroeber, Decorative Art of the Arapaho, Bulletin A. M. N. H.
Vol. XVIII); the next six, Eastern Algonquin (After Frank G. Speck,
The Double Curve Motive of Northeastern Algonkian Art, Geological
Survey of Canada, Anthropological Series No. 1); the last line; first,
Hopi; then archaeological specimens, Pueblo region. .............
Triangular design, prehistoric Pueblo (After J. W. Fewkes, Prelim-
inary Account of an Expedition to the Pueblo Ruins near Winslow,
Arizona, Smithsonian Report for.1896, PLI. 34)... ..........-......
Alaskan needle cases (After F. Boas, Decorative Designs of Alaskan
Needle Cases, Proceedings United States National Museum, Vol.
34, p.. 321. et seg., 1908... err LENS.
Reels of Alaskan Eskimo (United States National Museum, numbers
from above downwards, 44 994, 33 095, 38 276, 33 267, 45-110}... ++
Eye shades and vessel, Ammassalik (After W. Thalbitzer, The
Ammassalik Eskimo, Meddelelser om Groenland, Vol. XXXIX, fig. 278,
and after Hjalmar Stolpe, On Evolution in the Ornamental Art of
Savage Peoples, figs. 22, 24. p. 80)... leer nn
Designs from vessels made of tree calabashes, Oaxaca, (Private
collectioh): Cove e PRATER. ITI.
Fragments of pottery vessels, Texcoco, D. F., Mexico. ............
Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico. ..........
Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F.. Mexico...........
Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico...........
Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico...........
Designs from pottery vessels, Culhuacan, D. F., Mexico...........
Alligator designs from Chiriqui pottery (A. M. N. H. 30.0/1881;
7608;:5760; 1008; 8727)....... 13e cree oda ert
Chinese embroidery representing bats (After A. H. Balfour, The Evo-
jution of Decorative Art, fie... 18,-p 50}; vu. van 00e Faure
Shell with representation of rattle snake (After W. H. Holmes,
Art in Shell, 2nd Annual Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, Pl. 62,2;
PL. 65,2, 4,6;- Ph 66,52) ree ee hth viii vi vy
Throwing sticks of the Eskimo (a, Greenland, b, Ungava Bay, c,
120
121
125
126
127
131
132
132
133
135
135
135
142
364
Text figures
Fig. 133.
s 324.
s. 185.
s. 186.
25 890.
s 438.
» 130,
5: 140,
st.
23:142.
2: 148.
£1.
, 145.
, 146.
> 14
2:148.
» 149.
Cumberland Sound. d, Point Barrow, e, Alaska (exact location doubtful),
f, Cape Nome (After Otis T. Mason, Throwing Sticks in the United States
National Museum, Annual Report U. S. Nat. Mus., 1884, p. 279 et seq.).
Pile cloth, Congo (From Torday and Joyce, Notes ethnographiques
sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba etc. Les Bushongo,
Documents ethnographiques concernant les populations du Congo
Belge, Vol. H, PL XVL fes. 2 and A) ives emere ttt
Haida painting representing a sea monster in the form of a wolf,
carrying 4wo-whales. cvs as ee duree Ce ae eue qure a
Haida drawing representing the story of a young man who caught
assea monster. etre nee eee. einen. s. rue sent re
Haida drawing representing part of the raven story. ..............
Types:of New Zealand. spirals. «. «6er ede e uA d ER
Types of spirals from eastern New Guinea (From E. Fuhrmann,
New Guineu P. 408) densae ae NL RR ERE m Ad Mina dr
Spirals from the Amur River (From Berthold Laufer, The Decorative
Art of the Amur Tribes, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. IV,
PL. 20, fies. 3 dnd 4)... «ceu FEN auus qae rt. nr.
Pictographs representing human beings. a, Wahpaton Sioux (After
Skinner, Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American
Indian, Heye Foundation, Vol. 4, Pl. 23); b, Menomenee (After
Skinner, Anthropological Papers, A. M. N. H. Vol. 13, fig. 30, p. 159);
c, Blackfoot (After Clark Wissler, ibid. Vol. 7, fig. 3. p. 40); d,
Dakota (After Garrick Mallery, Pictographs of North American
Indians); e, Alaskan Eskimo (After W. J. Hoffmann, Graphic Art of
the Eskimo, Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, PI. 63);
f, Pencil sketches by Eskimo from the west coast of Hudson Bay.
a, b, c, Pictographs from the Cueva de los Caballos, d, Pictograph
of Bushmen (After Obermaier and Wernert). ............. sess
Zuni pot (After C. F. Lummis, Mesa, Canyon and Pueblo, p. 369).
Haussa embroideries; (a, After Lepage, La décoration primitive;
b, c, d. After Felix von Luschan, Beitráge zur Vólkerkunde der
deuischen-Kolonien, p. S50. A SR n n
Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A M. N. H., a, 50/3597; b, 50/2285)
Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A. M. N. H. a, 50/5212; b, 50/3595)
Painted rawhides, Sauk and Fox (A. M. N. H. a, 50/2282; b, 50/3630).
Painted rawhide, Ioway (Public Museum City of Milwaukee, 30607)
a, Painted rawhide, Ioway (Public Museum City of Milwaukee, 30609) ;
b, Painted rawhide, Otoe (Public Museum City of Milwaukee, 30677)
Design: from pouch, Ojibwa, (A.M. N.H. 80/4806). ..... 1e
Page
145
154
159
159
160
161
163
163
164
165
167
168
170
171
172
173
174
175
—A
—
a
Text figures
Fig. 150. Design from two sides of pouch, Potawatomi, (A. M. N. H. 50.1/7092).
»
»
151.
152.
153.
154.
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
Types of parfleche and pouch painting, a, Arapaho (A. M. N. H -
b, c, Shoshone (A. M. N. H. 50/2204, 2432). ..........000 00000000
Arapaho designs (From A.L.Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bull. A. M. N.H.
vol. 18) a. Moccasin, Pl. 2, fig. 5; b, Toilet bag, fig. 28; c, Small
pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 2; d, Small pouch, Pl. 4, fig. 11; e, Knife scab-
bard, Pl. 2, fig. 13; f. Knife scabbard, fig. 22; g, Woman's leggings,
Pl. 3, fig. 5; h, Woman's leggings, fig. 6; i, Small pouch, fig. 23; j,
Small pouch, Pl. 7, fig. 14; k, Moccasin, Pl. 3, fig. 2; 1, Woman’s
leggings, PI. 4, fig. 5; m, Toilet bag, fig. 25; n, Toilet bag, fig. 27;
o, Woman's leggings, Pl. 2, fig. 5; p, Pouch, PI. 3, fig. 12; g, Pouch,
Pl. 4, fig. 12; r, Moccasin, Pl. 2, fig. 2; s, Woman's work bag, PI.
2. 08. 15: 4 Scabbard, Pl. 5.02 18 (aki ge Jin i ee se
Sioux designs (From Clark Wissler, Decorative Art of the Sioux
Indians, Bull. A. M. N. H., Vol. 18) a, Moccasin, fig. 98; b; Knife
scabbard, Pl. 4, fig. 49; c, Small pouch, PI. 3, fig. 41; d, Pipe bag,
PI. 2, fig. 47; e, Pipe bag, Pl. 2, fig. 42; f, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, fig. 42;
g, Cradle, fig. 42; h, Pipe bag, PI. 1, fig. 42; i, Small pouch, Pl. 4,
fig. 41; j, Pipe bag, Pl. l, fig. 47; k, Pipe bag, Bl 3 fig. 4135; 1,
Pipe bag, fig. 99; m, Woman's leggings, fig. 74; n, Cradle, fig. 73;
o, Small pouch, Pl. 1, fig. 41; p, Woman's leggings, PI. 2, fig. 51;
q, Woman's leggings, Pl. 5, fig. 51; r, Small pouch, Pl. 2, fig. 41;
s, Pipe bag, Pl. 1, fig. 43; t, Pipe bag, PI. 4, fig. 47; u, Scabbard,
Pi. 2, fig. 49; v, Small pouch, Pl. 3, fig. 50; w, Knife scabbard, Pl. 6,
fig. 49; x, Pipe bag, Pl. 3, fig. 47; y, Small pouch, Pl. 5, fig. 40;
z, Pipe bag, fig. 100; z', Pipe bag, PI. 2, fig. 43. ........c..... ct.
Tlingit helmet (à. M. N. H. E/3483). ...... eee
Mask representing dying warrior, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/2501).....
Carved head used in ceremonial, Kwakiutl Indians, Museum für
Völkerkunde. Berlin. .....2. 26e lere entr
Carvings representing the beaver from models of Haida totem poles
carved in slate (A. M. N. H. 16/556, 16/551). .........….….….….......
365
Page
175
176
177
178
179
184
184
185
186
Carving from handle of spoon representing beaver, Tlingit(A.M.N.H. :
19/1128). re eese meer rh mn ca iu RE a ee nn
Headdress representing beaver; a dragonfly is shown on the chest
of the beaver, Haïda (A. M. N. H. 16/248... Lees
Painting for a housefront placed over the door, representing the
beaver, Kwakiutl Indians. ........... eee nnne
Halibut hook with design representing a sculpin swallowing a fish,
Tiingit (A. M. NH. E/I25801y........ esee eue den re crée ce
186
186
188
188
366
Text figures
Fig. 162.
,. 168,
, 164.
, 165.
> 166.
s 481.
». 168
5»: 160.
2 109.
2o mI.
22:132.
4-178.
scd 74.
s 178.
M6.
2 dT.
5:478.
5: 179.
s 380.
eM.
2182.
Part of a totem pole with a design representing a sculpin, Tsimshian’
(A.M. N.H. 16/807)... enar er bib wie aa cin olay
Woolen legging with appliqué designs representing sculpin, Haida
(A.M. N.H. 0/828)... o addere de rn ni niti He HE
Facial paínting representing the sculpin. +...
Head-dress representing a hawk, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/252).
Handle of a spoon made of mountain-goat horn ; lowest figure repres-
enting a hawk; upper figure representing a man holding a dragon-
fly, probably Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/105). .......... We
Rattle with design of a hawk, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1371). .....
Dish made of horn of big horn sheep, Tlingit. (A. M. N. H.
19/690). 5. eres at ee ae ee ey epp sia vin ve
Facial painting representing hawk. 4... eren rr en
Head-dress representing an eagle bearing a frog on its chest, Tsimshian
(A Mo No4H.-140/949). 4 aer Ie nre rh
Housepost representing eagle above, cormorant below, Haida (A. M.
N.H. 16/3680). HE rn a nn
Painting on paddle representing hawk, Kwakiutl. .................
Painting, on back and one end of a settee representing man and
hawk, Bwaklofh. oi ides veins deeds lied lil vay elie eere
Handle of spoon of mountain goat horn representing dragon-fly, Tlingit
(A.M. N. H..E/280). 2... 40e Auer UON e ni dann n.
Berry spoon with engraving representing dragon-fly (from J. R. Swan-
ton, The Haida Indians, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V,
fis. 24 b, p. 443. RE ER ei
a—e, Carvings from handles of spoons of mountain-goat horn
representing killer-whale, Tlingit (A. M. N. H.)..........00000000.
Rattle representing killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/304)......
Wooden float representing killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/8471).
Masks and dishes representing the killer-whale, Kwakiutl, A. M.
N. H. (from F. Boas, The Kwakiutl Indians, Jesup North Pacific
Expedition, Vol. VY. iii siiden on da ddia Bis als nieitiaiv vain siamese sare
Helmet representing the killer-whale, Tlingit, Museum of Academy
of Sciences, Leningrad. i cd vais omnn wore sun ww snd sires sain sets
Carvings from the handles of spoons of mountain-goat horn repres-
enting the bear (A MN HL) ov aunt dav co vninie Shams sine vivie se
Berry spoons representing bear (U.S. National Museum); a, Tsimshian,
16253; b, Tsimshian, 16254; ¢, Tlingit, 20820; d, berry spoon (U.S.
Nat. Mus., 20828)... oon ae na mua rur urs oh nn m PR nent
Carving representing a sea-monster, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/377)...
Page
188
189
191
191
191
191
191
191
191
192
193
193
193
193
195
195
195
196
196
196
197
199
0 n^
«pion Te EEE
QC ZU Re e oi
— SG
2
rs TT Tr email
Text figures
367
Fig. 184.
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
193.
194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.
205.
206.
207.
208.
209.
Carvings from handles of spoons made of mountain-goat horn re-
presenting a sea-monster (&. M. N.H... sel. Ir
Part of totem pole carved in slate representing shark surmounted
by an eagle, Haida (A, M. N. H. 46/1161)............ eee sivia
Handle of a dagger representing the head of a shark, Tlingit (A. M.
N.H. E/2087.... ere ER Te chr viia qui d eui.
Wooden pipe representing a shark, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/98). .....
Tattooing representing a shark, Haida (From a photograph).........
Handles of spoons representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M. N. H.,
a, E/208; b E/826; c, E/2900......oe esas ede qeu qu eq
Handles of spoons made of mountain-goat representing snail, Tlingit
(A.M. N.H. à, 19/4116: h, E/823) +2 00 cire ces rer net SV enn
Types of eyes of various animals, Kwakiutl. a, sea bear; b, grizzly
bear; c, beaver; d, wolf; e, eagle; f, raven; g, killer-whale.........
a, whale; b, sea lion; c, frog; d, double headed serpent; e, man;
f merman; s. spirit of the sed... su lese ced eorr hin nal
Styles of tails, Kwakiutl; above bird, below sea mammals. ........
Styles of wing designs and of fin designs, Kwakiutl; a, fin; b, wing
Elements used in representing the halibut, Kwakiutl..............
Elements used in representing the wolf, Kwakiutl................
Painting from bow of a canoe, representing the wolf, Kwakiutl....
Masks and dishes representing the wolf, Kwakiutl (a——e from F. Boas,
The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Jesup North Pacific Expedition,
Vol. 5, Pls. 39, 42—44; g British Museum; h A. M. N. H. 16/384)
House-post, Haida (From John R. Swanton, The Haida Indians, Jesup
North Pacific Expedition, ‚Vol. V, fig 10... leere opum e ute
Designs from a set of gambling sticks. (From John R. Swanton,
Ibid. (gs. .26—31). rou. qus ios Fon Sh raed Whe we
Designs from a set of gambling sticks (bid)... cove eee e ue
Chilkat blankat (From G. T. Emmons. The Chilkat blanket, fig. 546)
Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons. The Chilkat blanket, fig. 561)
Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, fig. 563)
Chilkat blanket (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, fig. 580)
Model of totem pole with three figures representing, from below
upward; sculpin, dog-fish, and. sea-monster, Haida (A. M. N. H.
16/550) sts ds sais ee keen s quema vus tion st fap AM rr A d ara
Mask representing the hawk, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/1591)........
Mask with painting symbolizing the flicker, Tlingit (A. M.N. H. E/337)
Mask with eyebrows symbolizing the squid, Tlingit (A. M, N. H.
M90 e Ad aed esae saei ah aE Os i n)
Page
199
199
199
200
200
201
201
203
204
205
205
206
206
207
208
209
210
211
213
213
214
215
216
217
217
218
368 Text figures
Page
Fig. 210. Mask with painting symbolizing the killer-whale, Tlingit (A4. M N.H.
Te 218
, 211. Fish-club representing the killer-whale, Tlingit, (A. M. N. H. E/242) 219
, 212. Wood carving representing dorsal fin of the killer-whale, Tlingit, (A. M.
N. HER a lew wine ww in ann a woe 219
» 213. Model of a totem pole representing a shark, Haida, (A. M. N. H.
16/1107) 000 a ue Ca Eee x ww Ba An s 219
, 214. Speaker's staff representing a shark, Tlingit (A. M. H. N. 19/790)... 220
, 215. Berry spoon with designs representing the eagle (From J. R. Swanton,
The Haida Indians, Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. V, fig. 24 a,
OB SEE RS GR spn Sep hie 221
, 216. Halibut hook representing a beaver, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. 19/1152)... 221
, 217. Part of totem pole representing a shark, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/1154) 221
, 218. Dancing-hat representing a killer-whale, Tsimshian (A.M. N. H. 16/580) 221
, 219. Wooden hat with carving representing the sculpin (A.M.N.H. 16/282) 221
» 220. Grease-dish-representing seal. 12... en reet 222
, 221. Design on a bracelet representing a bear, Nass River Indians
(A. M NH E/2428) he Va han Ce ena aes 223
, 222. Painting representing bear, Haida................2044004000 0000 0e 224
, 223. Painting from a house front representing a bear, Tsimshian. ...... 225
, 224. Wooden hat painted with the design of a sculpin, Haida (A. M. N. H.
16/281)... BS i SE i we a ee 225
, 225. Hat made of spruce roots painted with design of a beaver, Haida
ox Tsimshlan, (A. M. N. H. 16/692)... civ ivvv ivy snidnn ne 226
, 226. Tattooing representing a duck, Haida. ............ eee Coe 226
, 221. Tattooing representing a raven, Haida.............0.00.0.00.000200 226
„ 228. Dancing-apron woven of mountain-goat wool, design representing a
beaver, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/349). ........ enn 221
» 229. Painted legging with design representing a beaver sitting on a man's
liead, Haida, (4. M. N. H. 16/880)...... 5. Len 221
, 230. Gambling-leather with engraved design representing a beaver, Tlingit
(A.M. N.H. 19/1087) |... Lua seek ehe anna a.a neta 228
, 231. Embroidered legging representing a sea-monster with a bear's head
and body of the killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/334)......... 228
, 232. Painting representing a dog-fish, Haida..............0000000000 00 229
, 233. Slate dish design representing a shark, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/603)... 229
, 234. Painting on edge of a blanket representing a Killer-whale, Tlingit
(A-M-N.H, E/1S02). vate Seed LUI Ea nuls 230
, 235. Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M. N. H.
A T rra 231
Fig. 236.
237.
238.
239.
240.
241.
242.
243.
244.
245.
246.
247.
248.
249.
250.
251.
252.
253.
254.
255.
256.
257.
258.
259.
260.
Text figures 369
Page
Model of totem pole representing a sculpin, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/1155) 231
Model of totem pole representing a sea-monster devouring a fish,
Hoda (5. MN. Tj: ooa sc o IN ria xti 232
Slate carving representing the sea-monster Wasgo, Haida (A. M. N.H.
ioo). seva rods ek ee pereo Rea CUM glee 233
Tattooing representing the fabulous sea-monster Ts’um’a’ks, Haida.. 233
Slate dish with design representing a killer-whale, Haida (A. M. N. H.
P0103 7... oi ah La ah RA eke a ine egere 234
Drum painted with design of an eagle, Tsimshian (A. M. N. H. 16/748) 234
Tattooing representing the moon, Haida....... voe d e n 234
Carving on the end of a food tray representing a hawk, Tlingit
(A. M. N. H. E/1280. eer ee A UE A AE AE « fi 234
Painting from a house-front representing thunder bird, Kwakiutl... 236
Model of totem pole with design representing a killer-whale, Haida
(A. M. N.H. 16/1160... ere rra d ent mh 237
Painting for a box front, design representing a frog, Haida....... 2385;
Painting for a house-front with design representing a killer-whale,
Kwakiuti »..-..... NT ed in 238
Painting for a house-front with design representing a killer-whale,
Kwakiutl. e ^ ded RE ri ue Es E MEE C 239
Painting on a paddle representing porpoise and seal, Kwakiutl.... 240
Painting for a house-front representing a raven, Kwakiutl.…-... .- 241
Painting for a house-front representing a thunder-bird, Kwakiutl 242
Painting for a house front representing a whale, Kwakiut. 3. 243
Painting for a house-front representing a raven, Kwakiutl, (1) lower
jaw; (2) tongue; (3) chest; (4) feet; (5) legs; (6) wings .......... 244
Painting from the edge of a blanket representing a sea-monster,
Northern British Columbia (A. M. N. H. 16/355). ............... 244
Design on. a silver bracelet representing a beaver, Haida (A. M.
N.H. B/2462).. «e Sn Mo er ve aoe melt 245
Design on a silver bracelet representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M.
N.H. E/21601). .....0 ee eo retur rots 245
Design on a silver bracelet representing a hawk, Haida (A. M. N. H.
E/2463) TE A apr ptem 245
Slate dish with design representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M.
NJ. deo)... e Bias © aah nep aT e 246
Front of a slate box with design representing a sea-monster, Haida
(A. M-N.H. 16/687)... caseo upto pi ERR CS 241
Slate slab with design representing a sea-monster, Haida (A. M.
NH 16/1149) A ee huno Malo me sepae mar «MT
24 — Kulturforskning. B. VHI,
370 Text figures
Page
Fig. 261. Design from the end of a food tray representing a shark, Tlingit
(AN. Mo. NPHA86/1187) 52557 8 12221395 .Sloq . oM ue eho. 248
, 262. Slate dish with design representing a sculpin, Haida (A. M. N. H. 16/882) 248
, 263. Front of a slate box with design representing a fish, Haida (A. M.
N:H.d6/4095..... eode nee es nee, nie ow nib BEE a 249
, 264. Body painting representing the bear, Kwakiutl................. 250
» 265. Body painting representing the frog, Kwakiutl................. 251
, 266. Design elements from Tlingit blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The
Chilkat. Blanket, ‘fg. 850, i p,2366) 12.10. naan dw. La Vag. mui esl. 253
, 267. Schematic’ design showing the arrangement of the central field of
the: Chilkat blake: o 005 48, hog! 8.35. bus 913. Ace Sab. VF 258
» 268. General plans of Tlingit blankets ................. cv... 258
, 269. Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat blanket, fig. 548 b,
fit. S60 ay s soi oiov nn ashing alo Tesi 3a de M su 259
, 270. Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 560 b
and fig. 5625) 1.5 1o 001 J358 SUOT xad n so EUR s 260
, 271. Chilkat blankets, a—5b, United States National Museum (From G. T.
Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 562) .........-- 4s... 261
, 272. Chilkat blanket (From G.T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig 571,p.381) 261
, 273. Chilkat blankets (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, figs. 570 b,
p. 880, 572 a D 882)1P0700, DURE BEB none oet. 262
, 274. Front, reverse and side of a painted box (From G. T. Emmons, The
Chilkat Blanket, fig. 551 a, p.-356, fig. 552, p. 357)............ 263
, 275. Painted and carved box front (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat
Blanket, fio. /851,p. 358) 57.0101 JJOO Up R aol aene E 264
, 276. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit (A. M. N. H. E/652)......... 264
, 277. Four sides of a painted box, Tlingit (A. M.N.H. E/1579)........ 265
, 278. Front and side of a painted box (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat
Blanket, fig. 553d, Jp. 888). 517.1 20 02UV. TUR Aen SR ur 266
, 279. Front, reverse and.side of a carved box (From G. T. Emmons The
Chilkat' Blanket, fig. 583 a and 5 p.388). ...... oo. wun. J. 267
, 280. Carved boxes (From Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 556, a, b, p. 362) 268
, 281. Carved box, Tlingit (4. M. N.H. 19/1231)... .. 5. OR es 269
, 282. Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, figs. 556 c—e,
ande557 id, p(s03602, 363), 2:4 S LSETA a, Hin. ine. Ju 210
, 283. Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 557 a—c,
e, f, p- 303, and AuM; N. H. 19/053). (2-4 240. 5181 2.1. Ve a 212
, 284. Carved trays (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 554) 273
, 285. Designs on Tlingit armor (From photograph from specimens in the
274
Museum of the Academy of Sciences, Leningrad)..............
. 286.
287.
288.
289.
290.
291.
292.
293.
294.
295.
296.
297.
298.
Text.figures
371
Painted tray (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 558 a,
p.1364) ail. bo. ina i ble HE etie oA. eub D SO, eva Deaé een
Painted boxes (From G. T. Emmons, The Chilkat Blanket, fig. 558, b—d,
p.864)... utes. Lourbuon VE etii b «Fra th A ie
Horn spoons showing carving on the back (A. M. N. H.). a, 16/8799
representing sea monster, b, 16/8701 representing the hawk, c, 16/8792
representing the beaver (?) d, 16/8796 representing the raven,
e. 16/8795 representing the killer-whale, f, 16/8798, representing the
raven, g, 16/8794 representing dlia (9), ^, 16/8793 representing the sun
Dish of horn of big-horn-sheep representing the bear (Private Property)
Mask of Kwakiutl Indians used in winter ceremonial; according to
some representing fool dancer, according to others The-One-Shining-
Down (After L. Adam, Nordwest-amerikanische Indianer Kunst, PI. 19)
Ancient type of Kwakiutl box (A. M. N. H. 16/8117)... ..
a, Food tray (A. M. N. H. 16/8215), b, Bucket (16/2243), Kwakiutl
Small boxes (a, 16/2248, b, 16/8148), Kwakiutl................
Combs (A. M. N. H. a, 16/2299, b, 16/8911, c, 16/8180, d, 16/8235),
Kal Aes A DE ET dn MADE + + +
Bone club and sword (A. M. N. H. a, 16/8274, b, 16/971), Kwakiutl
Spindle whirls, Ethnographisches Museum, Berlin, Lower Fraser River
Ladle made of big-horn-sheep horn, Columbia River ...........
Clubs made of bone of whale. a, From Nootka, collected by Cap-
tain Cook (British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 42); b, From Nootka
(British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 47); c, From Columbia River
(Oregon Historical Society, Cat. No. 385, List 38); d, From Nootka,
collected by Captain Cook, 1778 (Ethnographical Museum, Florence);
e, From Barclay Sound, collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum
für Vólkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV. A 1574); f, From Nootka,
collected by Captain Cook (British Museum, Cat. No. N. W. C. 41);
£g, From shell-heap at Cadboro Bay collected by Mr. J. Maynard
(Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat. No. 769); A, From Neah Bay,
collected by Hon. James Wickersham (U. S. National Museum,
Cat. No. 198032); i, Collected by Vancouver (British Museum,
Van. 93); j, From Nootka (collection of Mr. W. Sparrow Simpson,
British Museum, Cat. No. 9383); k, From Upper Columbia River,
collected by Col. Brooks, U. S. A., about 1810, property of Mr.
M. F. Savage, New York (A. M. N. H. cast No. 16/8578); 1, British
Museum, Cat. No. 78—11—1.623; m, From Nootka (British Museum,
Cat. No. 8766); n, University Museum, Cambridge, Eng. Cat. No.
BR. 1194.59.54 ete ne AT s nh VOTRE ON RO
Page
215
276
277
278
279
281
282
282
282
282
283
283
284
372
Text figures
Fig. 299. Clubs made of bone of whale. a, From Quamichan Indians, col-
300.
301.
302.
303.
304.
305.
306.
307.
308.
lected by Dr. C. F. Newcombe (Field Museum of Natural History,
Chicago, Cat. No. 85348); b, From shell-heap, Plumper's Pass, col-
lected by Mr. Eduard Lomas (Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat.
No. 770); c, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon, James Wickersham
(U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198033); d, From Nuchatlath,
collected by Mr. A. Jacobsen (Museum fiir Völkerkunde, Berlin,
Cat. No. IV A 1215); e, From Hesquiath, collected by Mr. A. Jacob-
sen (Museum für Völkerkunde, Berlin, Cat. No. IV A 1573);
J, 16/2106 From Clayoquath, collected by Mr. Fillip Jacobsen;
2, 16/912 Bishop Collection from British Columbia; 4, 200/1471
Made of serpentine, from Blalock Island, Wash., opposite Umatilla,
Ore., collected by Mr. D. W. Owen; i, From Cadboro Bay, collected
by Mr. James Deans (Provincial Museum, Victoria, Cat. No. 774);
J, From Fort Vancouver, Wash., about 1830 (Academy of Natural
Sciences, Philadelphia); k, From Neah Bay, collected by Hon. James
Wickersham (from cast in U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 198031);
l, Peabody Academy of Sciences, Salem, Mass., Cat. No. E. 6640;
m, n, From Nootka, collected by Capt. James Magee about 1794
(Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., Cat. Nos. 256, 255); o, From
Neah Bay, collected by Hon. James Wickersham (from cast in U. S.
National Museum, Cat. No. 198030); p, 16/855, From shell-heap at
Cadboro Bay; q, 16/911 Bishop Collection; r, 16/1100 Excavated
on Songish Reservation ... .2.. NE St
House posts, Lower Fraser River, from photograph by Harlan I, Smith
Basket, Lower Chehalis (Private Property).~ .. ini saints os
Designs on matting (A. M. N. H. a, 16/9990; b, 16/8222), Kwakiutl
Woven hat of spruce root, Kwakiutl (A. M. N. H. 16/9993) ......
Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry (From G. T. Emmons, The
Basketry of the Tlinsit Indians)... lees Seis e que
Decorative designs from Tlingit basketry (From G. T. Emmons, The
Basketry of the- Tlinsit Indians)... oe...
a, Rawhide pouch, Salish or Chinook, collected by Wilkes, 1840;
b, Design from parfleche, Fort Colville, Washington (United States
National. Museum, 2618 and 672)... Lus
Scraper of bone, Tahitan (Private Property)... ven
Detail of imbricated basketry. 0... eL bres Galli.
Page
286
288
289
289
290
291
293
296
297
207
»
].
II.
III.
IV.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
EXPLANATION OF PLATES
Basketry of Maidu (From Roland B. Dixon, Basketry Designs
of California, Bull. Am. Museum of Natural History, Vol. 17).
Body Painting of an Andaman Islander (From Brown, The
Andaman Islanders) ...... ree. rn
Melanesian House... SE Kelle e ren
Peruvian Textiles (From Charles W. Mead, Boas Anniver-
sary Volume, Pl.-X.. ni er ner Rn ee
Kumiss Goblets of the Yakut (From W. Jochelson, Boas
Anniversary Volume, Pl. XXI). ^... oes s
Shamans Dress, Amur River (A. M. N. H)..............
Woven Pouch, British Columbia (A. M. N. H). ..........
Woven Blanket, New Zealand, United States National
Museum... eee eras ea Ris re EON aci i
Carved Figure, British Columbia, Linden Museum, Stuttgart
Chilkat Blanket, Ethnological Museum, Copenhagen.....
Cedarbark Blanket, British Columbia, British Museum...
Blankets of Mountain-goat Wool, Bella Coola, British
Columbia ......... aan ies PS ie ae ea was PA S
House Post, near Eburne, Fraser River Delta, British
GOSCUIUEKYWO CERT Y COFCERERSEEXIETO OI RETRO,
Tlingit Baskets (From G. T. Emmons, The Basketry of the
Tüneit Indians) ......... Rex (Me e Rr leis n
Imbricated Baskets from British Columbia and Washington
EZ EAR WU e SNC s "MN PRC AA SAN) Se
18
32
34
46
54
66
124
182
184
278
278
218
288
294
208
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface /.2 a Gel a 3G fw ies 1
Mental attitude of primitive’people 1. ED N UP nnn 1
Primitive culture, historical growth ......... eee HEHE 4
The object of the investigation is a study of dynamic conditions of art growth — 7
Acknowledgments ©, 005 U0 U0 ARIAL JUN Fai BRL reru 8
Introduction... .... i.» a RR AS enna win + 9
Nhat ds! art? soe LOS ar ARAS. io VAI esu. Aus us 9
Technical -perféction- in-art.…+ +. rer at MIE Ta uen 10
Emotional. appeal of contents of art colors. ......................... 12
Historical notations... «2.54 2E Lee eu RU e RI eia de uin 13
. The formal elements in art.......... A ma TEE 17
à A DEUST EEE RE EE tnnt et mi mats spe ene SERA Ld a wen 17
Regularity of form and virtuosity 0. EL En man ee 19
Lack of virtuosity and artistic formt. 20. 0A nn 22
Lack of effect of. artistic form LE HR Al na wie 25
The plain, strong line and regular curve ........... nn 66 31
Symmetry... 545000 on rasan 5 a5 ww bu oan om rc bog on tr omra rasa msusatey Haat Bale iaonly oasis uaa 32
Inveorted'symmetry. 11.100 aA LR ail LL ln 36
RAYTAM +. ++ na ae ere T Aa ee na VAT rt A7 ee RATE Ve a uss 40
Marsipal designs... 20.089 1. uS SV BIULL FINALS SEBEL Dia, 55
Decoration-of prominent places ........ en HA Valse wee 60
Conclusion ti. 05 SES FL deh Sit. ala Gil was mk tN 62
Representative di i... |. ities on rman We Ta an a RARE 44 0 0e 64
Representation and representative aTt.... ... ovo vire iv ivavras 64
Primitive symbolic and realistic representation...................... 69
Influence of technique upon style of representation ................. 81
IV. SymbBolISI. . 3. 5 hhh 2 RR as 88
Wide distribution of symbolic interpretation ...... En eee en à 88
Lack of stability of explanation... ih vd did sie er vr 102
Lack of cohcrence in symbais.. .... 10e 1110010 MA a 106
Design Dames... velud rane sh a S Wein a n Ea RR Ra a Re dt 109
Studies in conventionalization >> 412402 rave ee tou ei 0 Tee 0 CA 000 113
Geographical distribution of explanations of similar designs .......... 118
Reading in of meanings |... eye ees im Ionen eR niano ein eoe ede Rae 121
Development of geometrical form according to representative tendencies 124
Stability of patterns of action as against instability of interpretation ... 128
Table of contents 375
Change of type due to slovenly execution....... e n 66 130
Technical motives applaying to representations...................... 138
Effect of decorative field .........: ern tents uisu es Lu AR 141
Effect of symbolic methods of representation ........ e nnn 143
NV SIE cv vivir ve snd we dill le 0 A o NT ao NER e 144
The problem of Style. i... «ovr ivcrniise Soren esnavd 840 Lili von 144
Motor habits and form... vue cima ona nvnsvnniv ss eins vateatole dais ain bay 145
Concentration of forms... uter e 148
Transfer of forms in new materials .............-..-+02 14002 A0 +» 150
Technical determination of form ..........-........++--.-"1 "te ++ 153
Individuality of style... vereri nnde EIU Ml ee 153
The artist in his. cultural setting... 21000104 vis 155
Control of style over. invention «....... RE em ee 156
Formal elements of fstyle. AN Ar S SEEDS us 161
Dissemination of art forms and local developments.................. 161
Diversity of style in the same tribe and community ................. 180
VI. The art of the Northwest coast of North America..................... 183
Symbolic representations of animal forms.......................... 186
Tio beaver uei lu ei uo deu. kam BELA AM Ra RR Pe UA 186
The schlpifi 0 over enr aes E rl 188
The hawk and aie eagle... i... oii vv rn prt rnm 190
The dragón-fly 12000000 rien eu cn ar TOME 0 192
The Killer-whale *.... ........ 0011-5110 ae wie 194
PE OAT A DE ne AG a Ly 197
mhe:sea-IDOfster ob e eee ios e eden reu Pri ara Me senec dig 198
The frog Net ere ee hr e M NE LR 198
'hüetshafk e hes o rre ee Ne tb audet tee seid oM e Pe etf. 198
Summary of svinbols |... ele. vem dir mma ee ei ac 202
Minor symbols are not strictly normative ........ss n n nn 207
The wolf; variations of form in representations of'same animal... 213
Variations in interpretation ......« eder ene ne eee 214
Use of fragmentary symbols ........- eee tnter etre 216
Adaptation of animal forms to the decorative field LL... i he 218
Formal elements in animal representations ......................... 221
Design arrangement on Chilkat blanketS .............0.0.0000000 00000 257
Design arrangement on boxes....... en n n In nnn 262
Design arrangement on food trays ................00 00000 0000000000 270
Design arrangement on square boxes ..........2000000 00000 ee ana 000 275
Geometrical elements |... 44e eod a ma n hne nr 219
Older art styles of the Gulf of Georgia... nee 284
Realistic representations x... re INS, HM CM 285
| 23 SEP.1940
fg!
LM |
I | 376 Table of contents
i
ME Geometrical designs in basketry «.. lee eer o qut AI 289
NE Art: ot neishboring tribes. iem e rr rq REN NET s 294
1 : VII, Primitive literature, music, and dance.......... 7.1 eorr. 299
WM General occurrence ‘of literature, music, and dance ................. 299
| i Relation between Song, music, and dance... +... Liinainns 303
i | | Primitive PIES EN RB 303
| RII. ra ee Cu A NS ee 310
| Emphoasis....... oed ms ee e ra n'en douce area M Ee fr hy S NR RM + 317
Syimetry i so au uici eyes orae sir errien elect Rose ee idee aie ee 320 |
| Metaphor ale en 320 |
| dl oi POSE descriptiOH o eo ure Sun i sins rn a eere rd Ste wien tint 325 |
| | Local culture reflected in literary form... ue re 327 d
il Symbolic meaning of narrative. esae noh hn rend 337 |
| ll Different literary. styles are found. in the same tribe....... 5... nee 337
| | Distribution of Titerary forms 4... vet ener mr m 338 i
: | Masie ri. hia Me uc uuo el oise HAN ari 340 |
| Dance +... RE TTUIR ES AN EN A ANT ER 344 |
Il Conclusion (crises euer hera e p cenae eo etsi sia ioa 349 |
il Text figures uel re ri er eue ee au. NE 357 |
Explanation of plates. ete A0 M ee ee pte Te 1 Ne 373
>
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