Die Projektionsapparate, Laternbilder und Projektionsversuche in ihren Verwendungen im Unterrichte

Hassack, Karl; Rosenberg, Karl

Baessler-Archiv, 46/47=71/72.1998/99

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Monographie

Strukturtyp:: Monographie

Werks-URN (URL):: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-719968

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-719968

Persistenter Identifier:: BV049854193

Titel:: Die Projektionsapparate, Laternbilder und Projektionsversuche in ihren Verwendungen im Unterrichte

Untertitel:: mit 308 Abbildungen

Autor:: Hassack, Karl; Rosenberg, Karl

Erscheinungsort:: Wien ; Leipzig

Verlag:: A. Pichlers Witwe & Sohn

Erscheinungsjahr:: 1907

Umfang:: VIII, 336 Seiten

Beschreibung:: Pädagogik; Physik

Signatur:: Kunst 1819:F8

Sammlung:: Allgemeiner Bestand

Wissensgebiet:: Pädagogik; Physik

Farbkeil

Strukturtyp:: Farbkeil

Sammlung:: Allgemeiner Bestand

Anthropos 81.1986 120 Edward Graham Norris who act as consultants to the usurper donzo lineage Sangbana, or the ancestor of the Gono karamo lineage, which first gained prominence as its leader (who was responsible for the affairs of Gamaji, the precursor of the zongo, at which stranger caravans were hosted and where they offered their wares for sale) collaborated closely with Gainer’s exploratory and conquering expedition, could not have been party to any original contract. As scholars and purveyors of magical charms and amulets from the region of Kong, a former home of the ancestors of the Chakosi (see Deniel 1976: Annexe 1), such itinerant Muslims were respected and welcome dependants, with whom donzom without Mus lim advisers could begin acquire the same appurtenances of prestige as their rivals. A further point must be made. Although the karamom enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy in such fields as the regulation of disputes, indeed, in the case of the apostate karamo lineage Mande (see Rey-Hulman 1975: 306; Norris and Heine 1982: 123), which, after its fall from religious grace, became a sort of adopted donzo lineage and could intervene between warring donzom factions in the town or act on behalf of n’gyem wrongly persecuted by their donzom masters, their dependancy on the donzom in other fields was very great. Because hereditary ascription to membership in each estate restricted, among other things, access to literary scholarship to the next genera tions of their own lineages only, their Koranic schools did not provide, as they do in this century, an extra source of labour for whatever purpose the teachers might choose. No matter whether in the form of charms or war magic or even by acting as hosts and landlords to the Hausa traders on their way to or from Salaga, the services rendered by the karamom were paid for by the donzom above all in the form of a continual (but readily discontinuable) flow of provisions and other necessary subsistence goods. In contrast to the donzom and the n’gyem, the karamom were only rarely, if at all, granted the right to the annual tribute of a village subject to the Chakosi. Just as the karamom were, in one sense, symbolically dependant on the gifts of donzom daughters to reproduce themselves, they were substantially dependant on donzo largesse for their physical existence. The Chakosi social category of n’gyem, or commoners, subsumes a variety of groupings but the definitive emic principle is expressed as dépendance on the donzom and the owing of allegiance on a basis other than consanguinity. Because of such a dépendance, the n’gyem are, in the eyes of those who have diko, the don zom, of little value. But even if the n’gyem are viewed socially by their masters with some disdain, the former are by no means slaves whose sole social existence is defined by their ‘owners.’ True, as the dependants of a warrior leader, they were obliged to follow their masters to war and to obey his commands but their own prowess as fighters and the knowl edge of their elders of other, non-Islamic super natural means of achieving victory in battle was and is acknowledged. If, during the earlier decades of the history of the Chakosi in Sansan- né Mango, they were simply allowed a portion of the booty by the donzom commanders, during the middle period, the donzom leaders of especially courageous n’gyem followers rewarded them not just with slaves to be sold in Bassar or Gambaga but with the rights to the annual tribute of villages they had overrun. During the final years of Chakosi indepen dence, that is, after the collapse of Asante authority and influence over the southern savannah in 1874, when the Chakosi had lost their chief traditional market for the slave produce of their razzias, donzom rewards to their n’gyem became even more generous. In a period when, for the Chakosi, slaves as a means of exchange lost a substantial portion of their value, the donzom, unwilling to abandon slave raiding as the supreme means of gaining pres tige in the potlatch struggles with their rivals of the same estate, changed their tactics. To com mand the continued enthusiasm of their n ’gyem followers, the donzom were not just more generous in their apportioning of booty but enticed their n’gyem to go raiding with them with their prior enfeoffment with villages the collection of whose tribute had long been the privilege of their masters. Despite the crisis into which the Chakosi slave-exporting economy was pitched at this period, the n’gyem became

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Volltext: Anthropos, 81.1986,1/6

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