Globus: Globus, 53.1888

Zeitschrift für Volkskunde, 108.2012

Bibliographische Daten

Zeitschrift

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschrift

Werks-URN (URL):: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-714784

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-714784

Persistenter Identifier:: BV041217508

Titel:: Globus

Untertitel:: illustrierte Zeitschrift für Länder- und Völkerkunde

Weitere Titel:: Globus

Erscheinungsort:: Braunschweig

Verlag:: Vieweg

Erscheinungsjahr:: 1862

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Wissensgebiet:: Sozial- und Kulturanthropologie > Allgemeines

Zeitschriftenband

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenband

Werks-URN (URL):: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-709566

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-709566

Persistenter Identifier:: DE-11-001876980

Titel:: Globus, 53.1888

Erscheinungsjahr:: 1888

Signatur:: 3851 bb:53

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Zeitschriftenheft

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenheft

Titel:: No. 17. 1888

Sonstige Person:: Deckert, Emil

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Atakora Mountain Refuges: Systems of Exploitation in Northern Togo 127 Anthropos 81.1986 told us when the Fomboro came. When they arrived, they told the chief that they had come to collect the food, and the chief had to call all the village heads to come to his dwelling. Each household in the village had to present his part of the tribute in front of the envoys from Sansanne Mango. Once each head had gathered together his part, he asked the envoys whether it was enough and if they agreed that it was, and all the heads had brought enough, the chief had to choose porters to carry it. When the chief had found the porters, we left. And when we had need of rest, there was the baobab Nakpaktoug. 29 When we left this place, there was an old man with whom we had to stay. After that, we had to travel on and when we arrived on the outskirts of Sansanne Mango, we were allowed to rest again. When we left our village, our first place of rest was in Barkoassi, 30 and, from Barkoassi, we went to a new resting place at Choktoug. After Choktoug, it was Nakpak toug [name not used in Sansanne Mango]. There we stayed, even if the men of the Komboni chief had not arrived. It was after they arrived that we left again together and nobody could seize our tribute. It was there where the Germans built, near the TP. 31 It was there that the porters waited. There we had to send somebody who told him that the porters were bringing him food. He told him that the tribute had arrived at the outskirts of town. In his turn, the Fomboro chief ordered other people to come and meet us. If not, if we entered the town 29 Such gigantic trees are frequent markers in histori cal landscapes of the whole region. A baobab, under which the people of Gando paid their tribute in cauries, and the tree under which, close to Fomboro, all Chakosi slave raiding parties gathered before setting out from San sanne Mango, are frequently shown to curious visitors. 30 Barkoassi lies about halfway between Nano and Sansanne Mango, about 35 kilometres along the way. 31 This does not refer to the German station of the bluffs above the Oti (see Fig. 2) but to the temporary station (12) next to Gamadji. TP are the initials of Travaux Publiques, whose repairs shops are close to the °ld site. without telling the chief, somebody else could seize the food without the chiefs knowledge. Between the first two parts of the narrative cited here and the last passage, Dambuk leaves a considerable historical gap. Other than a brief remark elsewhere to the effect that Nano’s final submission to Chakosi systematic exploitation was preceded by its defeat in battle, the narra tor provides no account of the transition from Chakosi pillaging to the acceptance of coercion and systematic extortion by the villagers. There are two points that must be underscored. First ly, there was no permanent Chakosi settlement in such subject villages so that there did not exist any political administration or economic planning by the Chakosi warriors. Village infor mants even went so far as to claim that during quarrels between neighbouring village commu nities, even when these degenerated into armed conflict, the Chakosi overlords were only pre pared to intervene as arbitrators, if the bellige rent groups made payments, generally in cattle, in excess of their customary annual dues. Secondly, there was no question of the partic ipation of the inhabitants of the village com munities in some sort of multi-ethnic Chako si state. The Chakosi were not empire-builders. The whole population of Sansanné Mango participated in the maintenance over the vil lages within a radius of some eighty kilometres of the settlement of the crudest form of suzer ainty, of authority based on threats and the use of brute force. Despite the heavy burden of the annual tribute of grains, shea butter, livestock, and poultry, the services rendered by the Cha kosi in return were negative. As long as the tribute was carried annually to Sansanné Man go, the Chakosi raiding parties left the villagers in peace and passed beyond the perimeter of nominal homage to wreck havoc among the inhabitants of more remote settlements. It was as though the freebooters had mas tered the martial arts but had been unable to apply their talents to the state crafts needed to weld together the territories they had conquer ed. These conditions led Graf von Zech in an early account of his to see in Sansanné Mango at the end of the nineteenth century a declining

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Bibliographische Daten: Zentralblatt für Anthropologie, 17.1912

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