Anthropos: Anthropos, 18/19.1923/24

Anthropos, 101.2006+Ind.1906-2005(CD-ROM)

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Zeitschrift

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschrift

Werks-URN (URL):: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-714789

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-714789

Persistenter Identifier:: BV041701500

Titel:: Anthropos

Untertitel:: internationale Zeitschrift für Völker- u. Sprachenkunde

Weitere Titel:: Anthropos

Erscheinungsort:: Fribourg

Verlag:: Ed. St. Paul, Anthropos-Institut

Erscheinungsjahr:: 1906

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Wissensgebiet:: Sozial- und Kulturanthropologie > Allgemeines

Zeitschriftenband

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenband

Werks-URN (URL):: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-709512

URN:: urn:nbn:de:kobv:11-709512

Persistenter Identifier:: DE-11-001853195

Titel:: Anthropos, 18/19.1923/24

Erscheinungsjahr:: 1923

Signatur:: LA 1118-16/17

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Zeitschriftenheft

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenheft

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Zeitschriftenartikel

Strukturtyp:: Zeitschriftenartikel

Titel:: La vie des pionniers chinois en Mongolie aux prises avec un sol ingrat. (Etude économique.)

Sonstige Person:: Verbrugge, R.

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

Abbildung

Strukturtyp:: Abbildung

Titel:: Purification de l'avoine La récolte d l'avoine an Mongolie

Sammlung:: Zeitschriften und Zeitungen > Zeitschriften zur Ethnologie

40 Johannes Hamischfeger Anthropos 101.2006 190), urging the faithful to attend the communal prayers and to discharge their religious obligations correctly. According to Ahmed Sani, the governor of Zamfara, Muslims are not entitled to question the Sharia laws enacted by his government: “These are divine rules and regulations. Anybody who says he doesn’t want them is not a Muslim” (Newswatch [Lagos], 6 March 2000: 15). Those who do not share Sani’s understanding of Islam might be tempted to renounce their religious obligations. However, giving up one’s faith is seen, in Islamic orthodoxy, as a capital offence. The government of Zamfara contemplated incorporating the death penalty for apostasy in its penal code. Yet the political realities of Nigeria did not allow it, so Governor Sani called upon the believers to take the law into their own hands and execute the culprits: “If you change your religion from Islam, the penal ty is death. We know it. And we didn’t put it in our penal code because it is against the constitutional provision. It is the law of Allah which now is a culture for the entire society. So if a Muslim changes his faith or religion, it is the duty of the society or family to administer that part of the justice to him” {Newswatch, 6 March 2000: 17). In a few instances, converts to Christianity have been killed {Freedom House 2002; 36, 39; Committee 2000: 44). But the number of Muslims in the North who renounce their faith is quite small. In order to avoid any risks, they normally leave their com munity and move into Christian areas, sometimes taking on new names and identities. The Catholic and the Anglican Churches also operate camps outside the Sharia states where converts can find refuge {Freedom House 2002: 40). When talking to members of the Arewa Con sultative Forum, the most important association of northern politicians, I was told that the introduc tion of Sharia helps to “homogenise” the popula tion. In a country with more than 500 ethnic groups there are hardly any elements of a common culture binding people together. In order to bring peace and harmony to this strife-torn land, Islamic intel lectuals and politicians are counting on the uniting power of religion. 3 Only radical submission to God can give to the citizens of Nigeria a common identity which “eliminates tribalism and all oth er primitive chauvinistic ideologies” (Ado-Kurawa 3 Islam is meant to overcome all man-made boundaries: “all Muslims, irrespective of race, language, or nationality, must constitute a single brotherhood, one Umma. ... the Umma, from one end of the world to the other, is but one single nation, its diverse peoples sharing but one faith, one law, one culture and one destiny” (Sulaiman 1986: 11). 2000:271). However, the vision of a religious community which overrides all other differences is not the solution to Nigeria’s manifold conflicts but rather one of its causes. The policy of homogeni sation was quite successful in the rural areas of northern Nigeria where it eliminated many rem nants of the pre-Islamic culture. By banning music, dancing, and the brewing of traditional beer, the governments of Katsina and Zamfara criminalised important elements of “pagan” rituals. Thus they enforced a social transformation which appeared, to Western observers, like a “De-Africanisation of Northern Nigeria” (Miles 2003: 65): “La cul ture domestique ‘traditionelle’ que j’ai connue il y a trente ans n’existe plus” (Last 2000: 148). Yet in urban areas, where many Christians from the South have settled, the state-enforced Islami- sation has met with fierce resistance. Clashes in Kaduna and Kano over the imposition of Sharia left thousands of people dead. The situation is equally tense in the Middle Belt of Nigeria, a vast stretch of land between the Muslim North and the Christian South. Ethnic groups which claim to be “indigenous” to the Middle Belt are largely Christian and traditionalist, but they are confronted with Muslim “settlers” from the north, most of them Hausa and Fulani, who are demanding the introduction of Sharia. 4 Among the “indigenes,” the call for Sharia provokes fear and resentment, as it has revived memories of the nineteenth-century jihad. The jihadists, while spreading their faith, established the ethnic hegemony of the Fulani and their main allies, the Hausa. Before taking a closer look at the ethno-religious conflicts in the Middle Belt, we have to turn first of all to precolonial history. Religious and Ethnic Hegemony In the north of what is today Nigeria, the trans- Sahara trade has spread Arabic influence for more than a thousand years. As far back as the middle of the eleventh century, the King of Kanem-Bomu converted to Islam, and later the rulers of the neighbouring Hausa kingdoms followed his ex- 4 4 The distinction between “settlers” and “indigenes” has been contested. Migrants from the north do not accept that “native” or “indigenous” peoples have any ancestral rights to the land. Nigeria’s constitution, however, accepts the distinction and grants certain prerogatives to citizens who “belong to” a state, i.e., “either of whose parents or any of whose grandparents was a member of a community indigenous of that state” (sect. 318[1]; see Bach 1997: 337- 342).

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