Soul and Personality As a Communal Bond 
47 
Anth; 
ro Pos 96.2001 
grave. 13 The shadowy images of the ancestors, 
which resemble their appearance when they were 
a live, receive the kaasse of the deceased and lead 
4 to haallikko. There it remains until the second 
funeral rites (d’aPakko), during which haallikko is 
fagged to return the soul. 
The dead are not given any grave goods. Certain 
dignitaries are buried with the bracelet which they 
w °re as a sign of office. In the case of the poqolho 
0I %, an iron bar is placed in the grave. During the 
burial there are various complications which can 
ar ise. In the worst case, the corpse sinks into the 
ground together with the grave, which means that 
ihe deceased bears an excessive burden of guilt. 14 
|f this occurs, the kaasse is usually lost for ever, 
i ceases to exist. 
There are many different and - to our way 
^f thinking - contradictory ideas concerning what 
na Ppens during the time between the first and the 
second funeral rites, which are celebrated after 
a oout a year. Here, indigenous traditions have 
oviously been influenced by Islamic and Christian 
eas - On the one hand, it is assumed that the 
aa sse does not go far from the area where the 
§ ra ve and the compound are located. This is why, 
0r example, the eldest son of the deceased must 
ee P food in the house for the deceased until the 
second funeral rites. 15 It is also customary to ask 
seer to go to the grave, if there are unusual 
1 Acuities after the burial of the family head, 
e seer rings iron bells and calls the soul of the 
ceased, so that he can draw its attention to any 
, ence or neglected obligation on the part of the 
est son. The son must then confess his guilt and 
er forrn a sacrifice to atone for it. 
the other hand, there is the idea that the 
t h e estors accompany the kaasse to haallikko. On 
it h Wa ^’ accordin g t0 a frequently expressed view, 
0r as to cross a dangerously narrow bridge (a rope 
a sw °rd or something of this kind), from which 
f Jj ecia hy those who are not yet fully chastened 
lnt o a pool, to the right and the left alternately. 
lToijrr 
1 qo me s P ec ' al risk for the poqolho, see Amborn et al. 
‘-'«O: 44 
als^ Sac rificial ceremonies for the ancestors, seers can 
that ■ t ^ at cleatl1 ls c l ose to certain people from the fact 
at their kaasse takes some of the drinks intended for the 
14 £*«• 
tie Dullay there is no doubt as to the reality of this 
^ 0rn enon. Several of my friends assured me seriously 
a they had seen this happen several times at the burial 
'5 z\ cu 1 ar ly cruel people. 
fo l^ r sacrlllce during the burial ceremonies, a three- 
in h- ^ 0St * S Set U P ln tlie lt° use to the right of the doorway, 
son 1C ^ t ^ le °f the deceased is placed; below this the 
des a leg from the sacrificial animal. 
When it has finally reached the other side, wild 
animals try to push the kaasse into a big hole, to 
prevent it from going to haallikko. Common to all 
ideas is that during this time the soul is under the 
control of haallikko. 
When people hear that a relative of theirs has 
died but his body cannot be found, they must 
organize a symbolic burial for otherwise his kaasse 
will be left to wander about aimlessly. While 
the relatives of the deceased mourn in the house, 
friends take some of his garments to the river and 
look for a flat, grey stone, as near oval-shaped as 
possible. They wrap this in the garments and take 
it home to the mourners. The stone is referred to 
as the corpse (pokka <?akko) and treated correspond 
ingly: it is wrapped in a new shroud and laid out 
in the house. Mourners come in the usual way. In 
the evening a goat is slaughtered. On the following 
day the stone is buried (it must be laid out for one 
night). The rest of the ceremony is performed as 
for a normal burial. 
If the body of the deceased is found at a later 
date, the grave is opened and the corpse is buried 
next to the stone. If the d’aPakko (see below) has 
already taken place, this is not repeated. 16 
The most important ritual connected with the 
kaasse is the second funeral ceremony {d’aPakko), 
which should be performed one year after the 
burial. During the course of this ritual, the soul of 
a deceased person is transformed into an ancestral 
soul or ancestor (karaadd’e). Unlike the burial cer 
emony, and providing everything goes smoothly, 
this is a merry occasion and large quantities of 
sorghum beer are ready. 
First, male friends bring a gravestone made 
from a basalt column at least one metre high 
and lay it down near the grave, where it remains 
for three days. During this time women prepare 
sorghum beer and on the third day men carry 
out the ceremonial cleaning of the house and 
compound; for “there must be no sin there” when 
the kaasse returns. 17 The beginning of the festival 
is announced by a horn blower on the previous 
evening. On the morning of the day of the festival 
the eldest son of the deceased goes to the grave 
together with some elders chosen by him and a seer 
who knew the deceased. 18 First, a seer examines 
the grave for footprints of animals which could 
16 Should it happen that the person believed to be dead turns 
up alive, special rituals are necessary. He must not enter 
his house before these have been performed. 
17 The house and compound are cleaned with bunches of fresh 
grass, which are then thrown away “in the bush.” 
18 Only a seer who knew the deceased is able to make contact 
with the kaasse.