Anthropos 93.1998: 331-348 
Polygyny among the Logoli of Western Kenya 
Edwins Laban Moogi Gwako 
Abstract: - Fieldwork upon which this paper is based was 
undertaken among the Logoli of western Kenya. It presents 
Logoli women’s experiences and perspectives regarding change 
and continuity in polygyny. It is informed by the theoretical 
argument that the distributional effects of social norms and 
values pertaining to polygyny may benefit specific groups. It is 
theoretically predicted that considerations of anticipated bene 
fits influence individuals’ acceptance or rejection of polygyny. 
This prediction is supported by the results presented in this 
Paper. Polygyny is affected by women’s significant resource 
control (which enhances their empowerment and bargaining 
Power), decrease in high potential agricultural land, and in 
dividuals’ wealth. [Kenya, Logoli, marriage, polygyny, social 
change, women] 
Edwins Laban Moogi Gwako, M. A., Ph. D (Department 
of Anthropology, Washington University in St. Louis), B. A. 
(University of Nairobi) and M. A. (Institute of African Studies, 
University of Nairobi). Lecturer at the Department of Anthro 
pology at Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya. He has undertaken 
fieldwork in western Kenya on women’s status and fertility 
behavior (1989-90); women’s status and reproductive behavior 
(1991-93); female circumcision (1991-92; 1995-96); and the 
effects of women’s land tenure security on agricultural produc 
tivity among the Maragoli of western Kenya (1995-96). - His 
Publications include: Continuity and Change in the Practice 
°f Clitoridectomy in Kenya. A Case Study of the Abagusii. 
(Journal of Modern African Studies 1995); see also References 
Cited. 
1. Introduction 
Marriage and kinship are generally regarded as 
the “traditional heartland” of social anthropology 
(Gufler 1995: 89). This is partially illustrated by 
the significant attention anthropologists and other 
social scientists have accorded to the documen 
tation and analysis of polygyny which refers to 
“a marriage in which one man is simultaneously 
married to more than one wife” (Kilbride 1994: 
30). This practice reflects so many of a society’s 
codes, beliefs, and desires. 1 Much of the litera 
ture on polygyny focuses on the factors which 
influence the practice. Kilbride (1994: 43) argues 
that polygyny should be understood as a practice 
which is “adapted to particular historical, eco 
nomic and social contexts.” Polygynous families 
have been attributed to multiple reasons which 
include political, economic, social, religious, and 
procreative considerations. In general, polygynous 
marriages may serve the interests of and benefit 
both men and women under diverse circumstances. 
Polygyny also served as “a dynamic principle 
of family survival, growth, security, continuity, 
and prestige” (Hillman 1975: 114), especially as 
a socially approved mechanism which increases 
“the number of adult workers immediately and the 
eventual workforce of resident children” (Netting 
et al. 1993: 220). 
Some studies highlight men as the greatest 
beneficiaries of polygynous relationships by con 
tending that men venture into such unions to 
enhance their political and economic status, to 
show status and prestige, and also to have more 
spouses and offspring for the provision of both 
agricultural and household labor. 2 Fewer studies 
have also systematically focused on how polyg 
yny has been and is being transformed by both 
internal and external influences associated with 
colonial and postcolonial policies, urbanization, 
formal education, spread of sexually transmitted 
diseases, AIDS, decreasing land acreage, women’s 
control over productive resources, and penetration 
of the cash economy. These are some of the factors 
which restructure and continue to reorient the 
rationales for polygyny in many parts of contem 
porary Kenya. The effects of modern contacts on 
the Logoli polygynous marriage customs have not 
yet been the focus of detailed study in the recent 
past. Further documentation is needed on how the 
society has responded to the disintegration of some 
of the elements of the patterns and structures which 
formed the basis for polygynous marriages. 
Cohen (1993) has argued that where women 
are valuable resources for farm labor there is a 
1 See, for example, Fortes 1962; Hillman 1975; Kilbride 
1994; Parkin 1978; Paulme 1963. 
2 Brabin 1984; Clignet 1970; Kenyatta 1973; Lamphere 1974; 
Mair 1977; Murdock 1965; Stephens 1963.